Mikhail Delagin. At the last line (Mikhail Delyagin) Delyagin personal
The liberal policy of the 90s leads Russia to the Maidan
Sanctions (the main factor of which is the “presumption of guilt” in relation to any interaction with Russia) and the cheapening of oil (relative, since it is caused by about a third of the appreciation of the dollar) is far from the main source of Russia’s socio-economic problems, no matter how much the West would like it and his “fifth column” in our country. After all, the dramatic slowdown in economic growth, and the frightening weakening of the ruble, and the stampede of capital manifested themselves at the very beginning of 2014, long before the sanctions, and, moreover, the fall in oil prices.
The main reason for our troubles is that the historically modern Russian state was created at the very beginning of the 90s to solve a simple and clear task: to plunder the Soviet inheritance and legalize the loot as personal wealth in the fashionable countries of the West.
The heritage is already almost exhausted, and there is trouble with legalization, but the state machine, once firmly screwed on the basis of greed and hatred of justice, on which our culture and civilization itself is based, continues to grind Russia mercilessly.
This is the main thing. Everything else - total corruption and unpunished arbitrariness of monopolies that break the back of the Russian economy, the insecurity of property, the ordinary madness of the courts, organized crime as an almost daily form of state administration and local self-government - are just external manifestations of this fundamental historical pattern.
The fundamental refusal of the liberals, who control the socio-economic bloc of the government and the Bank of Russia, from development, as well as their accession of Russia to the WTO on enslaving terms (which immediately replaced investment growth with a decline) is also a consequence of the nature of the state machine created on the ruins of the Soviet Union.
These factors slowed down GDP growth from 4.3% in 2010 and 2011 to 3.4% in 2012 and 1.3% in 2013. It became clear that “ceteris paribus” in 2014 it will move into a progressive decline.
This was avoided due to two waves of ruble devaluations: the first began after the New Year and ended in mid-March, the second took place in September-October. They spurred industry on, increased the income of exporters and, by making imports more expensive, promoted import substitution.
The devaluations were intensified by irresponsible statements by the liberal and banking-inexperienced leadership of the Bank of Russia about its refusal to stabilize the foreign exchange market, which invited speculators of all stripes to attack the ruble. In addition, the negative effect of devaluations was strengthened by their prolongation in time, raising panic and beneficial only to speculators. If the currency is weakened not in the interests of speculators, but to maintain competitiveness, this must be done quickly - as was done during the 2008-2009 crisis in countries as diverse as Kazakhstan, Poland and Norway.
The positive effect of devaluations in 2014 is very weak even compared to 2008-2009 due to the lack of free capacities, professional or at least labor motivation of the labor force (the result of the liberal education reform), tax oppression combined with tax terror (due to artificially organized crisis of regional budgets) and prohibitively high cost of infrastructure services (due to the arbitrariness of monopolies).
At the same time, the negative effect of devaluations is high due to the arbitrariness of monopolies that use any event as an excuse to drive up prices, the significant external debt of large corporations, and the inadequacy of statistics that underestimate inflation and thus deprive the state of an objective picture.
The liberal socio-economic policy further exacerbates the situation. Within its framework, the real priority of the budget was to freeze taxpayers' money in it (unused balances grew by 2.1 trillion rubles over 9 months, exceeding 8.5 trillion) with the withdrawal of their main part to support the financial systems of countries leading against us " Cold War" (as Deputy Prime Minister Dvorkovich said, "Russia should pay for the financial stability of the United States").
As a result, the economy is suffocating in the “Kudrin loop”: due to an artificially organized money shortage, large taxpayers are forced to borrow their own funds abroad, paid by them in the form of taxes and withdrawn by the state to developed countries, and for the rest, the cost of a loan is prohibitively high.
At the same time, the inexorable expansion of market relations in the social sphere increases the cost of public services, which, in a situation where three-quarters of the population are poor (they cannot buy durable goods from current income), means a decrease in the availability of the social sphere and the destruction of normal everyday life.
Finally, the liberals systematically sabotage the president's reasonable initiatives not dictated by them. So, at first they simply did not pay attention to the "May decrees", and then they shifted the responsibility for the implementation of their social part to the regions, without giving them money. As a result, the regions became deficient and first got into debt, and then began to cut the social sphere to raise the salaries of the remaining workers, while the federal budget continued to choke on money.
The result has already been an increase in social tension, noticeable even despite the Crimean "patriotic freeze" and very significantly eroding it. Already in the fall, Ufa ambulance workers were starving (in Moscow they were in a state of pre-strike), and the workers of the Sevastopol port went through the city to Medvedev's waiting room to tell him about their salary - 4 thousand rubles. per month (several times less than before reunification). On November 2, the capital's doctors held a rally against a sharp cut in Moscow's health care, carried out, as far as one can judge, in order to "make room" for commercial medicine.
At the same time, the real incomes of the majority of Russians, as observation of a number of regions shows, have been declining (contrary to official statistics and Kudrin’s statements) since last summer, and the growing economic recession and high inflation since 2015, while maintaining a liberal socio-economic policy, are inevitable.
In the spring of 2015, organized by the liberals in power (including for political purposes - to overthrow the president of the Russian Federation, who is not subject to global business), the socio-political tension will result in separate large-scale protests, which will become large-scale in the fall, creating conditions for the organization of the Maidan and attempts to overthrow the government.
Liberals demand continuation of the banquet
Under these conditions, which require the restoration of the minimum necessary state regulation of the economy (of course, with its removal from areas where it is not needed and serves only corruption), the liberals continue to rush into the 90s, in fact creating socio-economic prerequisites for organizing a coup d'état ( and holding endless and meaningless "investment forums" almost every week to remind yourself, make informational and propaganda stuffing, prove their relevance and demonstrate the intensity of their work).
Thus, in the midst of a frightening devaluation at the end of October, Kudrin persistently called for the final cessation of all support by the Bank of Russia for the ruble and the immediate, early “letting the latter free float”, thus mortally frightening even professional financial speculators (who still need at least some kind of stability) .
The eloquent talk about the “stagnation trap” (created primarily by the liberals themselves) and the need for “structural market reforms” (which means the destruction of the country in the style of the 90s), as far as one can judge, only cover up the categorical demand to abandon the remaining crumbs of state regulation economy and finally remove from the state any substantive obligations to society.
Yasin, the author of the immortal cynicism formula about privatization “they didn’t take anything away from you - you didn’t have anything,” melancholy notes the need to “cut back state employees” due to the fact that the state will “lose resources” to support them.
At the same time, the monstrous tax system, which maximizes the tax burden on the wages of poor Russians and turned the country into a tax haven for billionaires, Yasin calls "one of the best tax systems in the world with moderate rates" that does not even need to be "touched."
VAT, the collection of which is accompanied by monstrous criminal excesses (such as the concentration of all added value in one-day firms, apparently created with the participation of officials), the liberal guru considers “the most successful find of the reformers” - along with a flat income tax scale.
Proposals to return Russia to the bosom of world civilization in the tax sphere (because a progressive income tax scale is used in all developed countries) Yasin considers "illiterate": after all, rich Russians, unlike residents of the rest of the world, will immediately begin to hide their incomes, and controlled by them the state will do nothing about it. At the same time, he touchingly does not object to the progressive taxation of property, in the heat of protecting the interests of the richest part of society, not noticing the obvious contradiction of his position.
Yasin crystal clear formulates the main directions of the liberal attack on Russia. Oddly enough, development in his view requires, first of all, not the restoration of manageability of the economy and the modernization of the federal infrastructure, but, on the contrary, all-round decentralization.
Yes, with the concentration of resources in the center, the current bureaucracy has gone too far, but to assert, following the guru of modern Russian liberalism, that the regions should develop production and support business first of all means deliberately and purposefully destroying the integrity of the country.
Rightly recognizing that the future of Russia (as well as the whole world) is determined by science, education and innovation, Yasin fundamentally ignores the fact that advanced science in our country, thanks to the efforts of liberals, has been preserved mainly in the military-industrial complex, and calls for a decisive choice between the financing of the latter and the financing of science. Thus, under the guise of a correct idea about the development of science, education and innovation, in fact, the destruction of the last, still surviving centers of advanced scientific schools is being dragged through.
This Jesuit logic is a real threat to the entire future of our country - no less terrible than the actions of the Bank of Russia.
At the end of October, he again, as in March, sharply raised the interest rate, raising it immediately by 1.5 percentage points (up to 9.5% per annum - so that it was not lower than the officially expected inflation). As experience shows, this does not in any way restrain price growth (determined by the behavior of the monopolies, not the Bank of Russia), but again contributes to the growth of the cost of credit and has a braking effect on an economy that is already close to recession. Even according to officially optimistic forecasts of the Bank of Russia, economic growth will be close to zero both in the fourth quarter of this year and in the first quarter of next year, thanks in part to its efforts.
The leaders of the Bank of Russia are consistently abdicating responsibility for its natural area of competence - the stability of the foreign exchange market - replacing it with responsibility for inflation, to which they have nothing to do (simply because, as the monstrous experience of the 90s proved, price growth is first of all, by the arbitrariness of the monopolies, and not by the dynamics of the money supply).
However, illiteracy helps to act decisively. The Bank of Russia introduced a system of automatic foreign exchange interventions and changes in the currency band depending on the balance of supply and demand, which made its actions absolutely predictable for speculators and completely rendered its presence in the foreign exchange market meaningless, turning it into simple financing of speculative attacks on the ruble.
Suffice it to say that since the beginning of the year, the reduction in the country's international reserves (by more than 70 billion dollars) was completely due to foreign exchange interventions of the Bank of Russia, which were simply pumped into the pockets of players undermining the ruble, moreover, according to algorithms known to them in advance.
Having made senseless the intervention of the Bank of Russia in the game of market and speculative forces in the foreign exchange market by introducing an extremely formalized algorithm, its leaders, from a formal point of view, are now quite logically insisting on the complete cessation of the state policy of stabilizing the foreign exchange sphere.
What this means for a country where, in October alone, the currency band moved up more than every other day, and rising prices pose a real threat to political stability, is clear: liberals, in all likelihood, intend to ensure the overthrow of Putin by organizing currency chaos.
Key: reformatting the state
It is impossible to disrupt the course taken (perhaps unconsciously) by the liberal clan to force a socio-economic crisis to change power and completely subjugate Russia to global business (which will mean its rapid destruction) within the framework of the model of the ruling bureaucracy created in the early 90s as a tool for plundering the country. basically. After all, this course follows from the very essence of this model and is its natural, albeit belated (due to the scale of the Soviet legacy and the amazing patience of the Russian people) completion.
In order to change course and avoid catastrophe, it is necessary to change the very nature of the state: to put it at the service of the people, and not the self-interest and ambitions of various oligarchs.
This is possible not only as a result of a revolution, but also, for example, due to the awareness of the ruling elite of their doom (including physical) if they continue today's policy, dooming Russia to a breakdown in a systemic crisis. The examples of Milosevic, Hussein, Gaddafi and Assad, who is still alive, seem to be more and more convincing in this respect.
Urgent normalization measures
First of all, it is necessary to remember that the state (in particular, the budget) exists for citizens, and not citizens for the state. It is necessary to realize the right to life - to guarantee a real subsistence minimum for all citizens of Russia. This will require an increase in the annual expenditures of the budgets of all levels by about 600 billion rubles. per year, which can be obtained by limiting corruption and confiscation of corruption funds, and in extreme cases - at the expense of accumulated budgetary reserves (more than 8.5 trillion rubles).
Guaranteeing a real subsistence (and social) minimum for families with children, differentiated by regions (depending on different price levels, climatic and transport conditions, while ensuring the same social standards and living conditions in general) will give an objective basis for the entire policy of interbudgetary relations. It will make it possible to stop chaos and corruption in this area, since throughout the 2000s the regions receive assistance on the principle of achieving the “average temperature in the hospital”, that is, approaching the average Russian level, divorced from any objective criteria.
The fundamental issue of the survival of not only Chinese, but also Russian statehood is the suppression of corruption. The thief should be in prison, not in the government (although representatives of the liberal clan interpret this as a call for Stalinist terror), and what he stole should be returned to the people. To free the Russian state from the captivity of total corruption, it is first of all necessary to introduce the principle of “presumption of guilt” in case of discrepancy between official income and expenses in the families of officials and to abolish the statute of limitations for corruption crimes.
It is important to establish that documentary evidence of the guilt of a corrupt official (audio and video recording) gives the courts reason to take into custody in order to avoid pressure on the investigation (today corruption is not considered a serious crime, so the accused are not detained and can influence the course of the investigation, including correcting retroactively job descriptions that give them the right to make a corrupt decision, which leads to the reclassification of corruption as fraud and leads to the issuance of a suspended sentence, and even to the return of the bribe taker to their workplace.
It is necessary to establish (following the example of Italy) that the bribe giver, in case of cooperation with the investigation, is released from liability (this places all responsibility on the organizer of corruption - the official - and deprives the victims of corruption of incentives to protect him).
It should be introduced (following the example of the United States) a complete confiscation of even the assets acquired in good faith (except for what is necessary for a modest life) of the families of members of organized crime (including corrupt officials: corruption of power is always associated with the mafia) who do not cooperate with the investigation.
Following the example of such different countries as Belarus, Moldova and Georgia, it is necessary to expel from the country all “thieves in law” who have not been convicted of crimes.
It is reasonable to establish that a person convicted of a corruption offense is deprived for life of the right to hold government and leadership positions, conduct any legal activity, be elected to elected positions at all levels, and teach social sciences.
Finally, all public administration should be transferred to an electronic decision-making system (implemented in a number of international and even Russian companies), which ensures instant decision-making and dispute resolution, but most importantly, allows end-to-end control that is invisible to the auditee.
In order to limit the arbitrariness of monopolies, the Federal Antimonopoly Service (FAS), in terms of its significance and powers, should be transformed into an analogue of the KGB in the economic sphere and empowered to ensure transparency in the price structure of natural monopolies and all firms suspected by it of abusing a monopoly position.
In the event of a sharp fluctuation in prices, it should have the right to first return the price to its previous level and only then investigate the validity of its change, regarding the refusal to sell products at this price as a criminal offense (following the example of the FRG).
Russian manufacturers should be provided with free access to the markets of cities, if necessary - by law enforcement agencies and the conduct of special operations to clear the way for free competition from mafia opposition.
Following the example of Italy, the creation of chain hypermarkets should be banned wherever conventional stores can operate. At the same time, regional authorities should have the right to establish a minimum share of regional products in the assortment of chain stores.
It is necessary to provide businesses and citizens with free, and when this is impossible for technical reasons, equal access to the services of infrastructure monopolies.
Tariffs for products and services of natural monopolies, housing and communal services, and urban transport should be frozen for three years. Conduct a thorough analysis of their costs, by reducing theft, using advanced technologies and improving the quality of management during the year, reduce tariffs for housing and communal services by at least 20%, and tariffs for electricity and gas prices in the domestic market by at least 10% .
It is necessary to compensate from the local budget (if there is a shortage of funds in it - from the regional budget, if there is a shortage of funds in it - from the federal budget) citizens' expenses for housing and communal services calculated according to social standards (including housing tax and rent, including social housing) exceeding 10% of family income.
Russia's development is impossible without reasonable protectionism (at least at the level of the European Union): after all, everything that we do with our hands, China does cheaper, and often even better than us. If we want to have jobs, we must follow the example of developed countries, most of which, without admitting it, are increasing protectionism in the context of the global crisis.
The weakness of market incentives will force us to combine protectionism with forcing enterprises to technological progress, first civilized (through the introduction of new standards), and in case of misunderstanding - and administrative methods.
If it is necessary to increase the number of employees or create production of goods that are produced by less than three independent producers in the world (this is a condition for economic security), and if private business does not want to deal with these problems, it is necessary to create state-owned enterprises to solve the corresponding tasks (in case of their non-strategic nature, for subsequent privatization).
It is necessary to free small business from administrative oppression. Enterprises with less than 20 employees (in agriculture - less than 50 employees), not engaged in financial transactions, consulting, foreign trade, resale and other potentially speculative activities (or receiving an annual income below a certain threshold), must, for 5 years, fully be exempt from all types of taxes and obligatory payments. This will completely eliminate the possibility of tax terror and qualitatively expand the possibilities of self-employment.
Free occupation of vacant agricultural land is necessary. Any citizen of Russia should be given the right to occupy abandoned agricultural land (up to 1 hectare per family). Upon processing, it should be registered in a free long-term lease, and upon continuous processing for 10 consecutive years, it should be transferred to ownership.
Accounting and tax accounting should be combined, as is done throughout the world. All regulatory documents related to taxation should be simplified and made understandable to the average citizen, so that small and medium-sized entrepreneurs can keep accounting records without the help of specially trained accountants and financiers.
The described transformations will partly become the foundation for a comprehensive modernization of the technological infrastructure, and partly they should be worked out in its process and on its projects.
Modernization should be carried out at the expense of the accumulated reserves of the state (more than 180 billion dollars can be safely used for currency stability), and in terms of projects with guaranteed profitability (for example, housing and communal services in large and medium-sized cities) - at the expense of the accumulation funds of the pension system.
The main tool for financing modernization should be the transition from issuing rubles depending on the amount of currency earned or borrowed by the country (which hinders development and makes it unjustifiably dependent on external conditions), to issuing rubles into circulation in accordance with the needs of the economy, as is happening in developed countries. This will require the restoration of project financing mechanisms, the separation of investment capital from speculative and currency regulation, but will ensure the country's steady development even on scarce resources. (It should not be forgotten that during the reign of Stalin, 47,000 factories were built in the Soviet Union—about 2,000 plants a year, which exceeds current rates by two orders of magnitude).
The comprehensive modernization of the infrastructure will drastically reduce the costs of the economy and the costs of citizens and, by creating huge domestic demand, will qualitatively improve the business climate and increase the labor motivation of the population.
Mikhail Delyagin is a politician, publicist, TV and radio host. A prominent Russian specialist and consultant in economics, head of the board of trustees of the Institute for Globalization Problems, a full member of the Russian Academy of Natural Sciences and a member of the Just Russia party. At the age of 30, he became a doctor of economic sciences.
Childhood and youth
The future scientist and politician was born in the spring of 1968 in Moscow into an engineering family. Delyagin's parents - Nina Mikhailovna and Gennady Nikolaevich - worked for Soviet defense enterprises, the so-called "mailboxes". Delyagin Sr. is known in scientific circles as the founder of an alternative fuel for the energy industry - coal-water.
Mikhail was brought up in strictness: the parental order was not disputed, but unquestioningly carried out. The young man graduated from school with a gold medal and entered the Moscow State University. by choosing the Faculty of Economics.
At the age of 18, after completing the 1st course, Mikhail Delyagin paid back his debt to his homeland, having served 2 years in the army. In the fall of 1987, an ordinary soldier arrived home on a visit and organized a collection of signatures at the faculty in support of the disgraced. An investigation began, but they did not take a sample of Delyagin's handwriting - he returned to the service. Activists and classmates did not extradite Mikhail, who wrote the appeal. At the Faculty of History, the "conspirators" were found and expelled from the university.
After demobilization, the student returned to study. In his 3rd year, Mikhail Delyagin wrote a brilliant term paper, which won a prize in a competition. Igor Nit turned out to be the head of the work.
In the summer of 1990, the former leader, who became the first economic adviser under Yeltsin, remembered a talented student and introduced the head of the Supreme Soviet to the expert group of the government apparatus. At that time, Mikhail Delyagin was 22 years old.
Career
In 1992, Delyagin was awarded an economics diploma with honors. In the same year, Mikhail, who worked in the "White House" without leaving his studies, became the chief specialist of the expert group under the head of state. The duties of the young specialist included operational analysis and forecasting of the economic situation in the country and abroad.
A year later, a new page appeared in Mikhail's work biography: he became vice president of the Kominvest company, which invests in various areas of Russian business. In the spring of 1994, Delyagin was appointed chief analyst at the Analytical Center under the President. The economist worked in this position for 2 years, defending his dissertation at his native university on the topic of the development of the Russian banking system on the job.
In 1996, the assistant to the head of state for economic issues invited Mikhail Delyagin to become a referent in his team.
In 1997, the specialist worked as an adviser to the Deputy Prime Minister Anatoly Kulikov and the First Deputy Prime Minister. In 1998, the 30-year-old official became a doctor of economic sciences, defending his dissertation on the topic of the economic security of the state.
Mikhail Delyagin worked as an adviser until 2003. He worked with Yuri Maslyukov, Nikolai Aksenenko, and. From the summer of 1998 to April 2002, he headed the Institute for Globalization Problems, where he returned 4 years later. In the spring of 2017, Delyagin became the scientific director of the institute.
Mikhail Gennadievich is known for his speeches and articles in the press. It is readily published by the Russian editions Zavtra, Arguments and Facts, Novaya Gazeta, Vedomosti, as well as newspapers and magazines in Germany, France, India, and China. Peru Delyagin owns over 1000 articles posted on the pages of the world press. He is the author and co-author of three dozen books on acute social and political topics.
In the professional sphere, economists John Maynard Keynes and John Kenneth Galbraith are authorities for Mikhail Delyagin. In 2005, his book "Russia after Putin" took the second place in the rating of Russian publicists writing on social and humanitarian topics. He was in the lead with the book "Crossroads". Delyagin's articles appear on the official website of the politician and publicist.
Personal life
Mikhail Delyagin called his mother a role model. Having married in the mid-1990s, he created a strong family. Wife Raisa Valentinovna gave her husband two children.
The family for Mikhail Gennadievich is something sacred and unshakable, but he rejects “family duties”. If he returns home before his wife, he cooks dinner. The spouse may well be engaged in the repair of the dwelling if Delyagin has a too busy work schedule.
In her free time, she likes to travel, ski, dive into the depths of the sea with scuba gear or just sleep.
Mikhail Delyagin now
In 2017, the radio "Moscow speaking" ceased cooperation with Delyagin. Mikhail Gennadievich named the change in editorial policy and the refusal to cover economic problems as the reason. Now the politician and scientist comes to radio broadcasts as a guest. He concentrated his efforts on the author's program on the Komsomolskaya Pravda radio, where he covers current events in society and the country.
In 2018, before the presidential elections, Mikhail Delyagin "walked" through the main applicants for seat number 1. He noted a tectonic split in the ranks of the opposition. urged them to boycott, and veiled campaigned for.
Delyagin called it "quite natural" that the Communist candidate was supported by big business. A similar situation happened at the beginning of the 20th century, when the communists cooperated with the capitalists, using their contradictions with the authorities. For Khodorkovsky, the communist Grudinin presented himself as a convenient candidate who is easily controlled.
Bibliography
- 1994 - "Where is the "great" Russia going?"
- 1997 - "Russia in depression: Economics: analysis of problems and prospects"
- 1997 - The Non-Payment Economy: How and Why We Will Live Tomorrow
- 2000 - "The Ideology of Revival: How We Get Out of Poverty and Insanity: A Policy Sketch for a Responsible Russian Government"
- 2003 – “The global crisis. General Theory of Globalization: A Course of Lectures»
- 2005 - "Russia after Putin: is an "orange-green" revolution inevitable in Russia?"
- 2007 - “Retribution is on the threshold. Revolution in Russia: when, how, why
- 2007 - "Russia for Russians"
- 2007 - "Fundamentals of Russia's Foreign Policy: Matrix of Interests"
- 2008 - "Revenge of Russia"
- 2008 - "Drive of Humanity: Globalization and the World Crisis"
- 2009 - “How to overcome the crisis yourself. The science of saving, the science of taking risks: simple tips!
- 2010 - "Fools, roads and other troubles of Russia: conversations about the main thing"
- 2011 - “The path of Russia: a new oprichnina, or why it is not necessary to “get out of Rashka””
- 2012 – “100 dollar government. What if the price of oil falls?
- 2014 - "Time to win: conversations about the main thing"
- 2015 – “Russia in the face of history. The end of the era of national betrayal?
- 2015 – “Overcoming the liberal plague. Why and how we will win!”
- 2016 - "Lights of darkness: the physiology of the liberal clan: from Gaidar and Berezovsky to Sobchak and Navalny"
He is the founder and head of the board of trustees of the research organization "Institute for Globalization Problems" (IPROG), a member of the National Investment Council and the Izborsk Club, has the status of an honorary professor of the Chinese Jilin University and research professor of the Moscow State Institute of International Relations.
The former adviser to the heads of the highest executive body of state power of the Russian Federation and its critic left his position in the state apparatus four times and returned, while he was fired only once, the day before the default, with the wording "for anti-government agitation." He, with his famous smile, which supposedly annoys everyone, declared that he considered himself unsuitable for the profession of a civil servant because he did not like and did not know how to steal.
Childhood and family of Mikhail Delyagin
The future scientist was born, already at the age of 30 received the status of Doctor of Science, on March 18, 1968 in Moscow. His mother, Nina Mikhailovna, and father, Gennady Nikolaevich, were engineers. They worked at "mailboxes" (enterprises included in the military-industrial complex). 
The head of the family was well known in scientific circles as the founder of a modern alternative fuel for energy - water-coal. The son was brought up quite strictly, at least he later mentioned in an interview that the word “must” was never discussed in his childhood.
History is silent as to why he did not go to college immediately after leaving school in 1985. But it is known that since 1986 he served in the army for two years, and then, in 1988, he became a student at the Faculty of Economics of Moscow State University.
At the age of 22, as a second-year student at the university, he was among Boris Yeltsin's assistants in economics. Mikhail was attracted to work in the White House by his teacher Igor Nit, with whom he then wrote a term paper on monopoly in the Soviet system.
Mikhail Delyagin's career
After graduating from a university with honors in 1992, the young man received a leading position in the Group of Experts, which is part of the Administration of the Head of State and specializes in conducting operational analysis and professional forecasting of the situation within the Russian Federation and abroad. A year later, on his own initiative, he moved to work as a vice president at CoM Invest Group, Ltd, a company engaged in investing in various business areas. 
Between 1994 and 1996 Mikhail Gennadievich was the chief specialist in the Analytical Center under the head of state, from October 1996 to March 1997 - an assistant to Sergei Ignatiev, assistant to the president of the country. Then he was an adviser to the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Deputy Prime Minister Anatoly Kulikov, and from June 1997 he held a similar position under the first deputy head of the supreme executive body Boris Nemtsov. The success of the young consultant was evidenced by the personal gratitude of the leader of the Russian Federation Boris Yeltsin, received according to his order of 11.03.1997.
Mikhail Delyagin's speech on the Law on Police
Having defended his dissertation in 1998, the 30-year-old doctor of science founded IPROG, which later collaborated with ideologically close foreign organizations - the German foundations of Friedrich Ebert and Rosa Luxembourg, the Transnational Institute from the Netherlands, and the network of political foundations "Transform". He also worked as an adviser to Yuri Maslyukov, the first deputy chairman of the government, in 1999 - deputy to Nikolai Aksenenko. He also advised Yevgeny Primakov (when the politician had already left the government), although he, according to the economist-analyst, almost did not need his help, and also in 2002-2003. was an adviser to Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov.
Personal life of Mikhail Delyagin
The academician married in 1995. Together with his wife Raisa Valentinovna, they raised two children. About his grandchildren, he wrote the following in his VKontakte profile - “waiting”.He perceives the family as one whole, therefore he rejects such a concept as “family responsibilities”. If he came home from work, albeit tired, but before his wife, then he cooked dinner himself, not considering it shameful. Similarly, if he did not have the opportunity to do repairs in the apartment, then his wife did it.
As a standard and role model, Mikhail named his mother, and in the professional field - the British scientist and economist John Maynard Keynes and the American economic theorist John Kenneth Galbraith. In the list of favorite leisure activities, he included sleep, travel, skiing and diving.
According to the Intellectual Russia Foundation, in 2005 his book "Russia after Putin" was in second place in the rating of domestic socio-humanitarian thinkers (after Alexander Zinoviev's "Crossroads").
Mikhail Delyagin today
At the end of 2010, on the basis of the disbanded Rodina party at that time, he created the political force Rodina: Common Sense (RZS) and headed it, but the Ministry of Justice refused to register this organization as a party. The well-known economist Mikhail Khazin called the emergence of the RGU a positive event in Russian politics. Journalist and political consultant Anatoly Vasserman also publicly declared support for the party.Mikhail Delyagin's story about a direct line with the president
In 2012, Mikhail Gennadievich headed the editorial board of the international public publication "Free Thought" (until 1991 - "Communist").
In 2016, the economist in his publications (“How they are killing us” in the newspaper “Tomorrow”, “At the Gaidar Forum, the liberals began preparations for a new plunder of Russia” on the website of the Polit.ru portal, “A piece of Russia will be sold to the United States?” in “Arguments and Facts ”) has repeatedly warned that (supposedly to the delight of liberals and their Western masters) a new wave of impending privatization will allow private owners to receive a profitable part of state property and turn into another robbery that could push the country into chaos, violence and riots.