The beginning of the manifestation of the crisis of the feudal serf system. Cheat sheet: The crisis of the feudal serf system in the first half of the 19th century. The crisis of the serf industry

1. Crisis phenomena in the internal policy of the autocracy

The crisis of the feudal-serf system in Russia in the first half of the 19th century. manifested itself in the transformation of all its main elements and the gradual transition to a new system - industrial-capitalist.

The main reason for the disintegration of the feudal-serf system was the changes that took place in the national economy of Russia, the basis of which was agriculture, an extensive agrarian economy. With the increase in the number and density of the population, the shortcomings of extensive agriculture were revealed. It is worth saying that the long-term exploitation of the natural environment by man gradually leads to its depletion. Crisis in Europe feudal system came earlier as a result of limited land areas and high population density. In Russia, the onset of the crisis was delayed. The abundance of fertile lands, the vastness of sparsely populated territories did not stimulate the development of the industrial system of the economy. At the same time, in the first half of the 19th century, signs of the decomposition of the feudal-serf system are becoming increasingly evident in the Russian economy. Let's study them in more detail.

First of all, the process of disintegration of the serf economy began.

for fishing in the non-black earth; - the decline in the productivity of corvee labor - the foundations of the feudal economy, the growth of landlord debt; - the use of new intensive farming methods of multi-field crop rotation, fertilizers, imported agricultural machines, new productive varieties of plants, etc .; - the growth of property inequality of peasants and the formation of new economic relations between them, which are of a capitalist nature (hiring, renting)

Significant changes have taken place in industrial production: - the number of capitalist manufactories based on hired labor has increased; - in the 30s and 40s, an industrial revolution began in Russia, which means not only the transition to the systematic use of machine technology (here the domestic cotton industry is ahead), but also the formation of new social forces capable of carrying out this revolution: the Russian bourgeoisie and the proletariat ... The Russian pre-proletariat and the pre-bourgeoisie existed as social strata. The pre-proletariat was replenished at the expense of the state and quitrent peasants, the pre-bourgeoisie - at the expense of the merchants and capitalist peasants; - an important sign of the transformation of the feudal system and the emergence of the industrial system was the growth of cities. Note that the growth rate of the urban population exceeded the growth rate in general by 2.2 times; - new types of transport have appeared that follow the industrial-capitalist system, although their development is very slow. In 1815, the first steamer in Russia was launched on the Neva. By 1825, 367 miles of highways were built. In 1837, the first railway was opened - Petersburg - Tsarskoe Selo, in 1843-1851. a railway was built connecting the two capitals; - becoming new system and the destruction of the old was facilitated by the growth of domestic and foreign trade, the development of the domestic market. Along with the seasonal fair trade that was common to the feudal society, there will be a constant store trade. The average annual volume of foreign trade at the beginning of the XIX century. increased by 4 times, and import by 5 times, while export exceeded import (active trade balance), which was ensured by the protectionist customs policy. Russia exported bread, flax, hemp, bacon, leather, stubble, timber. Bread purchased

growing importance in Russian exports, especially in the 40-50s. At the beginning of the XIX century. exported 19.9 million poods of grain, and on the eve of the reform of 1861 - 69 million poods; - in the first half of the 19th century, the process of initial capital accumulation was more intensive, that is, the accumulation and concentration of capital and the means of production in the hands of the most economically active part of society and the emergence of citizens deprived of funds forced to sell their labor power. In Russia, the process was slow and had some peculiarities. The sources of capital accumulation were not numerous colonies, as it was in European countries, but the system of leases, protective duties, and foreign loans.

In general, in relation to the first half of the 19th century, we can talk about the appearance in the feudal-serf system of numerous signs of its decay and crisis. The abolition of serfdom became an increasingly pressing economic problem.

Domestic policy autocracy of the first half of the XIX century was formed under the direct influence of events taking place in the international arena and within the country. The Great French Revolution of 1789, followed by a series of bourgeois revolutions in Europe (1820-1821 - in Spain, the Kingdom of Naples, Piedmont, 1830 - in France, Belgium, the uprising in Poland, 1848 - in France, Hungary, Bavaria), the war for the independence of the Spanish colonies in America - all ϶ᴛᴏ, on the one hand, prompted the Russian autocracy to look for ways to save Russia from the European "infection". The creation in 1815 of the international "Sacred Union" aimed at preserving monarchical regimes and systems became one of such paths. On the other hand, it became obvious that the monarchical feudal system needs modernization, that reforms are needed to eliminate the most crude, ugly manifestations of serfdom, to renew the state system, political institutions, the education system, etc. It was these two aspects that determined the main directions of the internal policy of Alexander I and Nicholas I, for all the dissimilarity of their reigns.

As a result of the palace coup that took place on the night of March 11-12, 1801, Paul I was killed. His son, the grandson of Catherine II, Emperor Alexander I (1801-1825), ascended the throne.

Frederik Cesar de Lagarpe, a freethinker, a Swiss political figure, lawyer, who was familiar with the ideas of enlightenment and the French revolution, a rather gentle person by nature, Alexander I in his youth became an opponent of despotism, a seeker of truth. Upon accession to the throne, he returns the free-thinker Radishchev from exile, asks Laharpe (exiled by Catherine II to his homeland) for recommendations on the strategy and tactics of managing the empire. He is seized with confidence in the need to reform Russia from above, relying on the progressive nobility, and broad enlightenment of the people in order to expand the social support of reforms. It is worth saying that to develop a reform program, Alexander I created an Indispensable Council and an Unspoken Committee, which included the leading people of that time: Count P. Stroganov, Prince D. Chartoryzhsky, M. Novosiltsev, Count V. Kochubei.

The reform program included three main directions: the peasant question, the education system, and the public administration system.

The memory of the uprising of E. Pugachev, the unrest of the peasants, the growing popularity of anti-serfdom ideas sharply raised the peasant question before the government .. There is evidence that Alexander I, at the beginning of his reign, had an idea to abolish serfdom. However, she was rejected in the Permanent Council and the Secret Committee. The closest circle of the emperor considered it untimely and dangerous to indulge the unenlightened peasants. As a result, Alexander I limited himself to a number of decrees on the peasant question, designed to alleviate and soften serfdom.

In 1803, a decree "On free farmers" was issued. The landowners were allowed, at will, to release the peasants with the land to freedom for a ransom according to a free agreement. During the 25 years of the emperor's reign, only 47 thousand peasants entered the category of free farmers.

In 1801, a decree was issued allowing non-nobles (merchants, bourgeois, state peasants) to buy uninhabited land and run a farm on them with the help of hired labor. This decree could contribute to the development of bourgeois land tenure. At the same time, it did not matter much, since hired workers were required to run a free agricultural economy, and there were such workers in Russia.

From 1804 to 1818 A peasant reform was carried out in the Baltic provinces (Estland, Livonia, Courland). The peasants of these provinces received a personal boda without land, which they had to rent from their landlords for duties - corvee and quitrent.

WITH early XIX century, the government has reduced the distribution of state land in private hands. It is important to understand that it began to resort to leasing state estates for a period. By the way, this measure limited the transfer of state peasants to serfdom.

Decrees of 1808-1809 landowners were forbidden to sell peasants at fairs "at retail", to exile them to Siberia for unimportant offenses, landowners were obliged to feed their peasants in years of famine.

In general, all of these decrees have yielded insignificant results. But they are very indicative as evidence of the growing crisis phenomena in the feudal-serf system.

Another direction of the reform activities of Alexander I was the system of printing and education ..

By the beginning of the century, not only peasants, bourgeois and merchants were mostly illiterate, but some noblemen could hardly sign their surname. The requirements for state management grew, the activities of the state became more complicated, and the government did not have enough literate people even for governor's posts. The improvement in the entire education system became apparent.

The meaning of the reform carried out in 1803-1804. is to create unified system education from lower school to university. The creation of a four-stage system of educational institutions was envisaged: 1) parish one-class schools for the lower strata, in which they taught reading, writing, the law of God; 2) three-year district schools; 3) six-grade provincial gymnasiums; 4) universities (Moscow, Petersburg, Vilensky, Derpt, Kazan, Kharkov)

Representatives of all classes were admitted to educational institutions; at the lower levels, education was free. Continuity was introduced curricula... A number of educational institutions for nobles: Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, Demidov Lyceum (in Yaroslavl), special

higher schools - the Moscow Commercial School, the Institute of Railways.

In 1804, a censorship charter was adopted, which was considered the most liberal in Russia XIX v. It said that censorship was introduced "not to restrict the freedom to think and write, but solely to take decent measures against the abuse of it." Censors were advised to be guided by "prudent indulgence for the writer and not to be picky, to interpret passages that have a double meaning in a way that is more beneficial for the writer than to persecute." At the same time, the censorship practice took little into account these good wishes, especially during the second period of the emperor's reign, when the course of his policy clearly turned to the right. And yet, in the first years of his reign, publishing activities expanded, a number of new magazines and literary almanacs appeared, and translations were printed.

It is important to know that the transformations of the central government bodies were of great importance .. Alexander I went to meet the proposals of a group of progressive officials - the so-called Senate Party, which prepared a draft Senate reform. According to the draft, the Senate was to become the highest administrative, judicial and supervisory body. Provided for the principle of the irremovability of senators, the peremptory nature of his decisions. The Senate was given the right to appoint to all administrative positions, except for the highest positions: minister and governor. At the same time, most of the nobles from the Secret Committee opposed, seeing in him a threat to absolutism. In 1802, a decree was issued on the rights of the Senate. It is worth noting that he proclaimed the Senate the supreme body of the empire, the concentration of administrative, judicial and controlling power. But the decree made the Senate completely dependent on the imperial power and did not limit it in the least.

In 1802, a reform of the executive bodies was carried out - the ministerial reform. In Russia, a ministerial administration was introduced. Eight ministries were established: military, naval, foreign affairs, justice, internal affairs, finance, public education, and commerce. Unlike the previous collegia, ministries did not receive judicial functions.

In this case, the main transformations of the controls are associated with the name

Mikhail Mikhailovich Speransky .. The son of a priest, he graduated from the St. Petersburg Theological Academy, receiving a diploma as a teacher of eloquence, physics and philosophy. Speransky independently studied the original political and philosophical literature in German, French and English. Wide education, outstanding intelligence allowed Speransky to take the post of state secretary. It was he who was instructed by Alexander I to develop a plan for state transformations in Russia. In 1809, such a project was prepared and presented to the emperor.

The project followed the principle of "separation of powers" - legislative, executive and judicial with the independence of the judiciary and the responsibility of the executive before the legislative. Speransky proceeded from the fact that "the present system of government is no longer valid for the state of the public spirit." According to the project, the middle class, the nascent bourgeoisie, was to receive political rights as well. The project provided for the gradual transformation of the political system of Russia into a bourgeois monarchy. This was to be ensured by the creation of a bicameral legislative parliament: the State Council (upper house) and the State Duma (lower house) Administrative bodies were to be created in the localities - elective councils. The electoral system was based on the bourgeois principle of property qualification. It was such a system, without violating the absolute power of the monarch, that opened access to the power of the bourgeoisie.

Alexander I recognized the project as "satisfactory and useful". At the same time, its implementation met with strong opposition from the higher dignitaries, who found it too radical. The only practical result of the project was the formation in January 1810 of the State Council. It didn't go any further. The State Council itself became a decisive opponent of further reforms, and its functions were reduced to those of a legislative body under the emperor. Its members were not elected, but appointed by the emperor.

Speransky's transformative ideas and projects aroused violent discontent among reactionary circles. Intrigues were woven around Speransky, especially after he carried out a financial reform,

changed tax system, which now affected all segments of the population. Rumors began to spread that the "malevolent priest" was preparing the liquidation of the nobility and the abolition of serfdom. Speransky was removed from state activities and exiled early in 1812. At the same time, his ideas did not die, they provided big influence on contemporaries, preparing public opinion for the adoption of the reforms of the second half of the XIX century. Alexander I himself greatly regretted Speransky. Four years later, Speransky was "forgiven", first appointed governor of Penza, and in 1819 - governor-general of Siberia, where he carried out a number of administrative reforms. In 1821 he was returned to St. Petersburg and was appointed a member of the State Council and manager of the Commission for drafting laws.

2. Foreign policy Alexander I

Alexander I paid the main attention to European affairs. The aggressive behavior of Napoleon (emperor since 1804) displeased the main European countries. Alexander I's advisers, members of the Secret Committee, also believed that it was extremely important to "put a bridle on France." Russia joined the coalition of anti-Napoleonic countries (England, Austria, Sweden, Kingdom of Naples). The opening of hostilities began when Napoleon's troops entered Austria. The first major battle took place in 1805 near the village of Austerlitz, 120 km north of Vienna. Despite the fact that the Russian troops were commanded by talented military leaders: Kutuzov, Bagration, as a result of the intervention of Alexander I and Franz (Emperor of Austria), the allied forces were completely defeated. Austria withdrew from the war. Prussia entered the war, but ϶ᴛᴏ did not stop the advance of Napoleonic troops. Napoleon occupied Berlin and declared a continental blockade of England. It was this situation that hurt Russian economic interests, since England was Russia's largest trading partner, and Alexander stepped up his actions. But in the battle of Friedland in East Prussia, Russian troops were again defeated. Alexander I entered into negotiations with Napoleon and in 1807 a peace treaty was concluded in the city of Tilsit, according to which Russia pledged to join the continental blockade of England. On the lands It is worth saying that the Duchy of Poland was created Do not forget that Warsaw, Russia received the Bialystok district during the division of Polish lands. On

the following year, the emperors met in Erfurt and confirmed the terms of the Treaty of Tilsit, dividing the spheres of influence of these countries in the world. The minutes of the th meeting were of a secret nature. In 1808, Russia entered the war with Sweden. She claimed to receive lands near St. Petersburg in order to ensure the security of the capital. War 18081809 with Sweden was successful for Russia. Detachment Barclay de Tolly made the famous ice campaign on the ice of the Gulf of Bothnia, as a result of which Russian troops entered the territory of Sweden. In 1809, a peace treaty was concluded in the city of Friedrichsheim, according to which the Grand Duchy of Finland was annexed to Russia. Finland was granted a special legal status with the approval of its previous Constitution. The Seimas remained as a legislative body, but Finland was declared a Russian province. Emperor Alexander became at the same time the Grand Duke of Finland.

Even according to the manifesto on September 12, 1801, Georgia became part of Russia. Georgia's accession to Russia was met with hostility in Turkey and Iran. In 1804, the war with Iran began. The war was successful for Russia. Russian troops captured almost the entire territory of Azerbaijan, and according to the peace treaty concluded in 1813 in Gulistan, Iran recognized the right of Russia to the territories it conquered, and in addition gave it the right to keep warships in the Caspian Sea.

In 1806, a war with Turkey began. 1806 Michelson's troops occupied Moldavia, and the squadron of Admiral Senyavin in 1807 defeated the Turkish fleet. Kutuzov inflicted a decisive defeat on the Turkish army at the Ruschuk fortress, and as a result, on May 28, 1812, peace was concluded in Bucharest and the Bucharest Peace Treaty was signed, according to which Moldova ceded to Russia. Serbia was granted autonomy.

a springboard for an attack on Russia. Allies of Napoleon in his movement to the East were Prussia, Austria and the duchy. Do not forget that Warsaw. It is worth saying that a huge army was deployed for a campaign against Russia (600 thousand people, according to other sources 685 thousand) It was led by the famous French marshals: Ney, Davout, Murat and others. The soldiers of the 1st army together with Napoleon made campaigns in Egypt , Spain, Austria, Prussia, where they won victories and believed in the success of his emperor. All this bulk Napoleon moved to the Niemen to attack Russia.

The payroll of the Russian army was at the moment 225 thousand people, and 180 thousand were directly under the gun. In addition, the Russian army was dispersed: Barclay de Tolly was at the Neman, Bagration - in southern Lithuania, Tormasov - in Volyn; part of the army under the command of Wittgenstein was allocated to guard St. Petersburg. It was extremely unprofitable to accept a battle with the Napoleonic army with such a deployment of troops, and the commander of the Russian military forces Barclay de Tolly decided to retreat deep into Russia. Napoleon entered Russia on June 12, 1812 and in a short time occupied Kovno, Vilno, Mogilev and Vitebsk. In August 1812, Russian troops united near Smolensk. After a long assault, Napoleon managed to capture Smolensk, since here, too, the numerical superiority of the French army continued to be felt. The road to Moscow opened from Smolensk.

The military strategy was unpopular in Russian society, everyone was unhappy with the retreat and yearned for a decisive battle. Under pressure public opinion Alexander I replaced the commander-in-chief, appointing 67-year-old MI Kutuzov to the post. At the same time, having familiarized himself with the state of affairs, Kutuzov did not change the tactics of the war. It should be noted that during this period the country was engulfed in a partisan movement, among the partisans, Denis Davydov (who wrote the book "Experience of the theory of partisan action"), Platov, Seslavin, Dorokhov, as well as folk heroes: soldier Ermolai Chetverikov, private Stepan Eremenko (escaped from captivity and led the detachment), a peasant woman Do not forget that Vasilisa Kozhina and others. The scope of the partisan war was so great that Napoleon even demanded its official termination, stating that it was being conducted "not according to the rules established for

of all wars ".

Kutuzov chose a position for a general battle with the French near Moscow near the village of Borodino. The battle began at Shevardino, and then the armies met at the Borodino field. The right wing of the army was commanded by Bagration, who built special fortifications - "Bagration flushes", which then passed from hand to hand. The bravery of the Russian soldiers and officers amazed even the enemy. Bagration was mortally wounded on the battlefield. Dokhturov took over the command. After the capture of the flashes, Raevsky's battery was defeated and the Russian army had to retreat from Borodino. Kutuzov said that Russia was not yet lost with the loss of Moscow, but it could be lost with the loss of the army. Napoleon occupied Moscow. Moscow was engulfed in fires, 80% of the housing stock was practically burned out in it. Napoleon had nowhere to house his army, there was no food supply or water. The French emperor turned to Alexander with a proposal for peace negotiations and even promised to return the former friendship. The letter with Napoleon's proposal was conveyed by the landowner Yakovlev, Herzen's father. There was no answer from Alexander.

On September 2, Kutuzov withdrew the Russian army from Moscow. Initially, he moved along the Ryazan road, but then turned sharply to Tarutino (flank march-maneuver) and thereby covered Kaluga with its food supplies and Tula with weapons depots. Here he began to prepare for a counterattack on the Napoleonic army, surrounding it from the south. Napoleon guessed Kutuzov's intentions and began to urgently retreat from Moscow. He made an attempt to blow up the Kremlin, but the rain soaked the fuses in the mines and the explosion turned out to be insignificant (one tower and part of the Kremlin wall were destroyed) Napoleon wanted to break through to Kaluga, but Kutuzov skillfully blocked his way: the battle of Maloyaroslavets, where Napoleon was defeated, forced him turn onto the old Smolensk road, deserted and scorched by his army during the attack on Moscow. The losses of the Napoleonic army were significant, discipline fell. Retreating further to Vilna, Napoleon suffered significant losses while crossing the river. Berezin. In Vilna, he learned about the attempted coup in France and immediately left. In mid-December 1812, about 30 thousand French crossed the Neman. The Napoleonic army no longer existed.

Alexander decided to continue the war until the complete victory over Napoleon. Russian troops entered Western Europe. Prussia went over to the side of Russia, Austria soon joined m union, and then England. It is important to know that the allied army inflicted a great defeat on Napoleon's troops in the famous battle of Leipzig in 1813 ("Battle of the Nations") In March 1814, the allied troops entered Paris. The peace treaty was concluded in Paris on May 18 (30), 1814. France returned to the borders of 1798. Napoleon and his dynasty were deprived of the throne, on which the allies restored the Bourbon dynasty (Louis XVIII). Napoleon was sent to the island of Elba.

The final agreement on the territorial division was signed at the Second Vienna Congress in 1815 (during the First Vienna Congress - in 1814 Napoleon fled from Elbe Island and restored his power, which lasted 100 days, but then he was defeated in a battle at Do not forget that waterloo) At the second Vienna Congress in the fall of 1815, the "Sacred Union" was created, which included the monarchs of three states: Russia, Prussia, Austria, then other European states joined it. As a result of the territorial divisions, Russia received a large part of the Duchy. Do not forget that Warsaw is with Do not forget that Warsaw. It is worth saying - Poland was provided with a 2-chamber Diet and a Constitution, to which Alexander I himself swore allegiance.

3. Domestic policy after World War II

After the end of the Patriotic War of 1812, the reforms began to be of a more moderate character. Many of them are associated with the name of Count Arakcheev. His career under Alexander I began in 1803. The Emperor was attracted to him by such qualities as pedantry, unswerving diligence, outstanding organizational skills, boundless faith in the power of autocracy. After becoming Minister of War in 1808, Arakcheev, according to military experts, did a lot to restore the combat capability of the Russian army.

In November 1815, Alexander I bestowed the Constitution on the Kingdom formed as part of the empire, it should be said - the Polish one. At that time, ϶ᴛᴏ was a very liberal document. At the opening it is worth saying - the Polish Diet in Do not forget that the tsar made a speech in Warsaw, in which he announced his intention to extend the constitutional order to the whole of Russia.

In 1818, the king instructed his closest friend and assistant

Novosiltsev to draw up a "Statutory State Charter" in the spirit of the principles of the Polish constitution. The project was prepared in 1820, received " highest approval", however, remained on paper.

In 1818, a number of dignitaries received secret instructions from the tsar to prepare a project for the abolition of serfdom. All these projects and intentions testified to Alexander I's understanding of the need for liberal reforms.

At the same time, since 1820, the course of Alexander I has changed dramatically. It is customary to associate this change with revolutionary events in Europe, with the uprising of the Semyonovsky regiment in October 1820. At the same time, the tsar received reports of the creation of secret societies.

Reformist and revolutionary ideas, destructive for the feudal-serf system, initially penetrated into Russia from the West, where the process of formation began earlier. industrial societies and, of course, bourgeois ideas were formed earlier. The Great French Revolution and the Patriotic War of 1812 contributed to the growth of social consciousness in Russia. Everything ϶ᴛᴏ pushed the most advanced and educated part of the nobility to search for ways to transform the political and economic life of Russian society. Unfulfilled hopes for the desertion of the peasants, who bore the brunt of the war with Napoleon on their shoulders, prompted them to move from words to deeds.

The first secret society "Union of Salvation" was founded in February 1816 in St. Petersburg on the initiative of young guards officers A.N. and N.M. Muravyov, S.I. and M.I. Muravyov-Apostolov, S.P. Trubetskoy and I.D. Yakushin. Later P.I. Pestel entered it. In 1817, after the adoption of the Charter, the organization received the name "Society of True and Faithful Sons of the Fatherland". Only officers of the guards regiments and the General Staff were admitted to members of the society, according to the strictest selection. It is important to understand that it was small in number (30 people). In 1817, the union was self-liquidated. It was decided to start creating a broader and more militant organization.

the first place was put forward by the task of forming a public opinion favorable for transformations. The revolutionary coup was considered as the main political means. The beginning of the development of tactics for a military uprising without the participation of the masses in it dates back to 1820. The revolutionaries believed that a "military revolution" could be the most organized, quickest and most painless coup. The uprising of the Semyonovsky regiment in 1820 prompted members of secret societies to think about the possibility of attracting dissatisfied soldiers to the "revolution".

It is worth saying - having received the news of the denunciation of the organization received by Alexander I, the members of the society decided to formally dissolve in order to get rid of random people and create a strictly conspiratorial organization.

In 1821-1822. On the basis of the Union of Welfare, two new secret organizations arose: the Southern Society in Ukraine, headed by P.I. Pestel, and the Northern Society in St. Petersburg, which was headed by N.M. Muravyov, and then K.F. .Ryleev. The societies began to develop constitutional projects and plans for an uprising. Two policy documents were prepared: "Russian truth" by Pestel and "Constitution" or "Order to the temporary supreme government" by N. Muravyov. It is worth noting that they were different from each other.

"Russkaya Pravda" is the first republican program in the history of Russia. It is worth noting that it assumed the elimination of the monarchy and the establishment of a republican system. The republic was to be headed by the legislative People's veche. Executive power was transferred to the State Duma, elections to which were to be carried out on the basis of equal suffrage. All citizens of the republic were to receive equal rights, the abolition of all class privileges and restrictions, universal military service were proclaimed. In the field of agrarian relations, Pestel proceeded from the fact that land is a public domain, from which every citizen has the right to receive an allotment. At the same time, he recognized private property as fair. Therefore, the program provided for the creation of a public land fund, which was not subject to sale. Volost societies disposed of it. This fund was to be replenished due to the partial confiscation of the landowners' lands. Another part of the earth must

was to remain in private use and be in a free circulation of commodities.

N. Muravyov's constitutional project was built on a different political concept. Russia was to become a federation of 14 powers and 2 regions. The supreme legislative body of the federation was the bicameral People's Council. The legislative body in the State was the sovereign veche, which also consisted of two chambers. The elections were carried out on the basis of electoral rights, limited by age, property qualification and residency qualification. The highest executive power, according to the project of Muravyov, belonged to the emperor. Thus, Russia was to become a constitutional monarchy. The elimination of the estate structure, equality of citizens before the law, freedom of speech, press, and assembly were proclaimed. The abolition of serfdom was declared, but the land of the landowners remained with them. It was supposed to provide peasants with land (2 dess. Per yard), instead of the old estate courts, it was envisaged to introduce a public court with a sworn advocacy, adversarial parties.

In addition to the program documents, an action plan was also developed. It was supposed to start a revolution in St. Petersburg with an uprising of the guards and the navy, expel members of the imperial family, arrest the emperor, convene the Senate and, through him, announce new order of things. On the periphery, they were supposed to assist the uprising in the capital. The performance was planned for the summer of 1826. At the same time, the unexpected death of Alexander I in Taganrog on November 19, 1825 changed plans. Since the refusal of Alexander's brother Constantine from the throne was kept secret, the troops were sworn in to him, and not to Nicholas. After a two-week correspondence, Constantine confirmed his renunciation of the throne, and on December 14, an oath was appointed to the new emperor, Nicholas I. The revolutionaries decided to take advantage of the government crisis and speak on that day on Senate Square. The uprising, which received the name "Decembrist uprising", was brutally suppressed by the government. Nicholas ordered the officers to be brought to justice and the soldiers to be subjected to corporal punishment. The Supreme Court sentenced all participants to death, but Nicholas I ordered the execution of only five - Ryleev, Pestel, S. Muravyov-Apostol, M. Bestuzhev-

Ryumin, Kakhovsky. The rest were sent to the link.

A speech on the Senate Square on December 14, 1825 put an end to progressive reforms. The autocracy felt a threat to its very existence and made efforts to preserve the serf system.

The period of the reign of the brother of Alexander I - Nikolai Pavlovich (1825-1855). - ϶ᴛᴏ the last pre-reform attempt of the autocracy to unite the almost incompatible: to keep the political system of absolutism unshakable and, at the same time, to make concessions to the new requirements of the time in the economy, in the agrarian question - especially. By militarizing the state system, Nicholas I managed to postpone more decisive reforms only for a while.

In an effort to protect in every possible way Russian society from the influence of Western ideas, Nicholas I took a number of measures designed to strengthen control and supervision over the activities of the administrative apparatus, the press, the education system, as well as to strengthen personal influence on all aspects of state life. The Imperial Chancellery expanded. Under her, the II department was created - for the codification of laws, the III department - the higher police, the IV department - to manage women's schools and charitable institutions, the V department - to reform the state peasants, the VI department - to manage the Transcaucasus. Section III became the body of the emperor's personal power, a state within a state in terms of its significance. The reign of Nicholas I is characterized by the creation of all kinds of secret and unclassified committees and commissions on various issues, subordinate to the tsar himself. Under the leadership of Speransky, the legislation was codified. all known laws were collected in chronological order, of which the applicable ones were selected. It is worth saying - a complete collection of laws of the Russian Empire from 1649 to 1825. made up 45 volumes. This colossal work will still be an irreplaceable source for historians.

In 1826, the Committee for the Organization of Educational Institutions was created. His task was to check the charters of educational institutions, develop uniform principles of education, define disciplines and educational literature. Education was supposed, in the opinion of the government, to bring up "modest citizens" who would work for the government each on

We are in the field. The ideological platform for the restructuring of the education system, management of the entire sphere of culture was the slogan of the Minister of Education, President of the Academy of Sciences SS Uvarov: "autocracy, Orthodoxy, nationality."

Universities lost a significant share of their former autonomy, admission was limited, and fees grew, subjects such as natural law and philosophy were removed from the curriculum. At the same time, it was no longer possible to suspend the process of spreading education. The introduction of the new "cast-iron" Censorship Charter also did not bring the expected result. Sacrificial ideas continued to spread despite all the obstacles, and the strengthening of supervision over literature not only did not stop the pen of either Pushkin, or Lermontov, or other outstanding Russian poets and writers. It was during the reign of Nicholas I that the "golden" age of Russian poetry fell.

Keeping the political system of autocracy intact and not daring to touch the system of serfdom, which was increasingly reaching a dead end, Nicholas I was forced to take a number of measures to weaken the dependence of the peasants on the landowners, abolishing its most odious manifestations. It was forbidden to give serfs to factories; the right of landowners to exile peasants to Siberia was limited; it was forbidden to sell peasants from public auction with the fragmentation of the family, to give or pay debts with them; nobles without estates were forbidden to buy peasants without land; the landowners received the right to release the servants to freedom; when the estates were sold from the public auction, the peasants received the right to redemption for ϲʙᴏboda; peasants were allowed to acquire real estate with the consent of the landowner.

More serious measures for solving the peasant problem were repeatedly discussed in numerous secret committees (more than 10). The 1835 Committee set the task of "insensitive erection of the peasants from the state of serfdom to the state of boda." It was supposed to free the peasants without land in three stages and at an indefinite time. The work of the commission ended without result. In 1839, a new committee was created, where a prominent statesman of that time, a highly educated person adhering to liberal views, P.D. Kiselev, played a prominent role. The result of the committee's work was a decree on April 2, 1842

d. "about obliged peasants." It is worth noting that he did not cancel the 1803 decree "on free farmers", but was called upon to correct its "inconvenient aspects". The owners were allowed to conclude agreements with the peasants by mutual agreement on such a basis, if the landowners retained the full right of patrimonial property, and the peasants received from them plots of land for use for established duties. Thus, before the reform of 1861, only 27 thousand peasants were ordained.

In 1844, the government undertook the compilation of the so-called "inventories" in the Western Russian provinces, where the landlords were mainly Poles, who were in opposition to the Russian government. This was a description of the landowners' estates with a clear fixation of the size of the land allotments of the peasants and the duties they performed.

The largest measure in the field of the agrarian question was the reform of the state peasants, carried out at the end of the 30s. State peasants accounted for 34% of the total tax-paying peasant population and were legally a peasant class subordinate to the state. The aim of the reform was to raise the welfare of the 1st category of the population and set an example for the landlords in managing their own villages. The reform was led by P.D. Kiselyov, who in 1835 headed the 5th department of the imperial chancellery. state land... Smallholders were endowed with land, the taxation of taxes was revised in accordance with local conditions; established "auxiliary loans" for small loans to peasants; medical and veterinary centers were created; the network of lower schools expanded.

Nicholas I considered it necessary to encourage the development of industry. To protect the interests of the nascent bourgeoisie, the Manufacturing and Commercial Councils were established. It is worth mentioning that for the expansion of the system of technical education, it should be noted that the Technological University in St. Petersburg, the Moscow Trade School. Despite the contradictory nature of the measures taken, they show a desire to raise the industrial level of Russia.

Moreover, the revolutionary events in Europe in 1848-1849. put an end to the modest reform efforts of Nicholas I.

Thus, by the middle of the 19th century, the feudal-serf

the system has come to a decisive milestone. In its depths, new structures were ripening, preparing the transition to an industrial type of development. More and more broad strata of society were seized by ideas that destroyed the traditional ideas about the feudal social system. It is worth saying that the policy of autocracy in this period was characterized by attempts to correct, improve the most obsolete elements of the political and economic system, without violating, however, the main foundations. At the same time, these attempts only temporarily postponed the need to resolve the main issue: the fate of serfdom. In the middle of the century, the question for the government arose like this: either to cheer up the peasants and retain their power, or not to cheer up and lose it.

We call the crisis of the feudal-serf system a process that is progressive in its content - the transition from a feudal-serf economy to a capitalist one. Capitalism is born in the bowels of the feudal economy, but its free development is hindered by the feudal shell. There is a struggle between the feudal and the capitalist in the economy, which, of course, ends with the victory of the capitalist economy. But if the matter were limited to progressive forward movement, the word "crisis" would be inappropriate. The crisis was the collision of two systems, the most acute struggle between them. Slowing down the development of bourgeois elements in the economy, the feudal shell hindered the development of the entire economy of the country.

The crisis of the feudal-serf system in agriculture

1.Since the 20s. XIX century. agricultural societies grew vigorously in Russia, and an extensive agronomic literature appeared. Everything new in agriculture that appears abroad is discussed and promoted in Russia. New items of European agricultural machinery are tested here. Agricultural exhibitions appear in a number of cities. Some landowners introduce scientific crop rotations, breed thoroughbred cattle, and set up workshops for making machines in their estates. In the Tambov estate of the landowner Gagarin, a steam engine operated, which threshed, blew and sorted 200 kopecks of wheat a day.

But the new technology remained the work of enthusiasts. One landowner wrote: "If all the grain has been threshed since autumn, then what will the peasants and their wives do in winter? A threshing machine costs money, requires repair and maintenance of horses, and the work of the peasants is worth nothing." It was precisely the fact that the work of the serfs cost the landowner nothing, and made the use of machines unprofitable.

2. Agriculture from natural, as it should be under "pure" feudalism, is becoming more and more commodity. In the middle of the XIX century. the marketability of agriculture has reached 18%.

But the growth of marketability meant an increase in rent. Under subsistence farming, rent was limited by the natural limits of consumption of the feudal lord and his servants. And more products were required for sale than for consumption: now additional products were giving money. Being drawn into commodity-money relations, the landlords increase the exploitation of the peasants to such an extent that they take it out of the framework of feudalism.

In the black earth south, corvee sometimes increases so much that it leaves the peasant no time to work on his farm. Then the landowner transfers the peasants to the "month", that is, takes over their maintenance, giving out monthly foodstuffs. Since the peasant in this case no longer runs the farm, such exploitation can no longer be considered feudal. It is an ugly, mixed semi-feudal-semi-capitalist form.

In the northern regions of the country where the quitrent prevailed, the landowners increased it. For the first half of the 19th century. the average size of the rent increased by 2-3 times. The peasant economy could not provide such growth. And now the peasants were increasingly engaged in trades, hired in industry, and the quitrent was paid not so much out of income from Agriculture how much of non-agricultural earnings. No deduction from industrial earnings cannot be considered a feudal rent.

However, such an increase in the exploitation of the peasants was not given to the landowners of the necessary economic effect... Serf labor; in the corvee was unproductive: the peasant was not interested in the results of this labor. As one landowner wrote in the corvee, "the peasant goes to work as late as possible, works as little as possible and rests as much as possible." According to statisticians of that time, wage labor in agriculture was 6 times more productive than serf labor. And therefore, landlord estates without serfs in the black earth zone were valued at a higher price when sold than with serfs.

The quitrent also did not stimulate the development of agriculture, since rent in Russia was not regulated, the peasant knew that with an increase in his income, the landlord would increase the quitrent and additional income will shoot by rent.

3. Seeing the shortcomings of corvee and quitrent, the landowners began to use hired labor. In the steppes of southern Russia, where the landowners increased the commercial production of wheat, they no longer had enough of their serfs for this. And by the time of the harvest, hundreds of thousands of peasants with scythes from the northern provinces were dragging on to hire themselves for the harvest. Hiring was now a constant phenomenon in other provinces, and often took on ugly semi-feudal forms. For example, now well-to-do peasants no longer went to corvee themselves, but hired others instead. Sometimes the landowner collected rent from his serfs in money, and with this money he hired them as hired workers.

The growth of hired labor was hampered by the lack of hired workers under conditions of serfdom. Therefore, such mixed, ugly forms of hiring were born.

4. The development of commodity-money relations undermined the monopoly of the nobles on the land. If before only nobles could own land, then at the beginning of the 19th century. land ownership was not allowed by the nobles. Since 1801, it allowed free trade in land without serfs. Land has become a commodity. The estates of the ruined landowners began to be bought up by merchants and wealthy state peasants. In such capitalist phenomena, in essence, the birth of new technology, the growth of commodity production, hired labor, non-landlord tenure, and progress in agriculture was expressed. But their development was hampered by the feudal-serf system, and therefore progressive phenomena took on an ugly semi-feudal form.

Under these conditions, the most far-sighted part of the nobility begins to understand that serfdom hinders the development of the Russian economy. The noble revolutionaries, the Decembrists, came out most radically against serfdom. But they are not the only ones. If you look at the magazines of the 1930s and 1940s, you get the impression that the need to abolish serfdom was obvious to everyone - they wrote about it openly.

Already in the early years of the XIX century. in the desks of the largest dignitaries lay prepared projects for the liquidation of serfdom. Everyone was just waiting for a signal from the king to submit these projects to the competition. Even the reactionary Arakcheev had his own project. True, Arakcheev drew up his project on the orders of the tsar.

The crisis of the serf industry

The contradictions between the old and the new in industry manifested themselves more strongly than in agriculture - large-scale production in the form of manufacture did not correspond to feudalism.

In the first half of the XIX century. an industrial revolution begins in Russia. This is evidenced, for example, by the growth of imports of cars. If at the beginning of the century cars were imported for 80 thousand rubles per year, then in the 50s. -1 for 8 million rubles. Mechanical engineering emerged. In 1860, 15 machine-building enterprises operated in St. Petersburg alone. The steam engine in Russia was designed by Polzunov back in 1763. But steam engines, like machines in general, in Russia did not supplant manual labor, did not cover the entire industry. The industrial revolution was hampered by the feudal-serf system, and it could end only after the liquidation of serfdom.

As already mentioned, our industry, adapted to the conditions of feudalism, took the form of serf manufacture. This fitness in the XVIII century. provided her rise, but in the first half of the XIX century. for the same reason, she becomes depressed.

1. The productivity of serf labor was significantly lower than the productivity of wage labor. According to the calculations of statisticians of that time, the hired worker in various industries gave 2, 3 and 4 times more output than the serf. This was to drive adoption; machines, because the machine not only increases the productivity of labor, but also subordinates the worker to its own pace. As you know, in machine production, the speed of the process is determined by the machine, not the worker.

2. Serf labor made the use of machines unprofitable. Putting a car replacing some workers, the breeder could not fire them, because they were his property. Therefore, the machine did not reduce, but only increased production costs. The technical revolution that began at the serf enterprises only increased the cost of production.

3. Serfdom forced the owner to support (at the expense of production) the unemployed, that is, the reserve army of labor was not outside the gates of the enterprise, but on its maintenance. Wage serf workers usually consisted of two parts: cash, "back" payment, which was issued directly for work, and "provisions", that is, a free ration, which was issued to all members of the families of workers who were listed at the enterprise, including the families of serfs unemployed. So, at state and possessional factories, each adult was entitled to 2 poods of flour a month, a child or adolescent -1 pood.

Meanwhile, the number of serf workers gradually increased by natural growth. At the Ural mining plants by the middle of the 19th century. already up to a third of all workers turned out to be superfluous, unemployed, “empty bread-eaters,” as the breeders called them. Artisans who were not employed in production were engaged in their trades and trade. Therefore, it was at the Ural factories that the centers of chest, tray and other trades were found. Some plant owners tried to plant extra artisans on the land, but to no avail: the artisans were already hereditary workers, considered their position above the position of the peasants and lost the habit of "arable farming."

When the breeder Lazarev, the owner of four Ural factories, at the beginning of the 19th century. tried to put the extra artisans on the ground, they revolted, and the attempt had to be abandoned. After that, it was decided to persuade them to move to the village voluntarily. In factories where there were several thousand artisans, it was announced that those who agreed to move to the village would be given a large sum of money, they would be helped to acquire farms and would be exempted from duties for several years. They persuaded for 10 years. As a result, there was one who wanted to move to the village, but only as a village blacksmith.

Manufacturing could still be a serf, but a serf factory was no longer possible. Machines turned out to be incompatible with serf labor.

4 Serfdom also hindered the development of that part of industry in which serf labor was not employed. It increased the cost of labor. There were not enough free workers. In addition, the contingent of hired workers consisted mainly of quitrent peasants, but they could only be seasonal, and mostly unskilled workers.

5. Serfdom narrowed the domestic market. It consolidated the order in which the overwhelming majority of the population were peasants attached to the land. And the peasants were subsistence farming and bought highly industrial products. They themselves weaved linen and ready-made clothes from it. They bought little iron products: village blacksmiths reforged broken iron products for new ones. Thus, serfdom slowed down the development of Russian industry. The European countries in which the industrial revolution was ending were overtaking Russia.

But serfdom inhibited different industries to varying degrees. Cotton production developed relatively successfully. The revolution here began already in the first years; In the 19th century, in 1805 the first factory was established (the state-owned Aleksa Drovskaya manufactory), and by the middle of the century the revolution in spinning had already ended. Cotton production in the first half * of the 19th century grew 50 times, Russia not only provided itself with cotton fabrics, but also exported them to the countries of the Middle East.

The fact is that in the cotton industrial serf labor was not used at all. This industry began to gain strength when the opening of new possessory factories was no longer allowed. The landowners did not start cotton factories, because the new industry worked on imported raw materials (therefore, this raw material could not be obtained on their estate), did not work for the treasury (therefore, it did not give any privileges). Hired labor and work for a wide popular market accelerated the development of the industry.

Most of all, the crisis of the feudal-serf system affected the mining and metallurgical industry. If! in the second half of the 18th century. Russia ranked first in: the world for the production of iron, then at the turn of the XIX century. England caught up with it, and by the beginning of the 60s. Russia produced 10 times less iron than England. Why? Serf labor remained here until 1861. It was impossible to provide mining factories with hired labor. If the textile industry I was located in a densely populated center, then metallurgy developed on the site of ore deposits. 80% of Russian metallurgy was concentrated in the Urals. Colonization continued there, there was a lot of land, and the peasants had no reason to be hired as workers. And these peasants were not suitable for work in factories. Work in metallurgical production required high qualifications, training from childhood, and seasonal workers, of course, could not have such qualifications.

The second reason for the stagnation is the special control and patronage of the state. This industry carried out government orders and was subject to administrative management. The state protected it from competition with foreign countries with duties that were twice as high as metal prices. If the enterprise suffered losses, the state supported it with subsidies. "The systematic government support for bankrupt factories corrupted this industry," Academician Bezobrazov wrote at the time.

Therefore, the composition of the Ural breeders was special. The enterprising founders of factories were succeeded by their descendants, for whom factories were only a source of income.

The economy of the factories ended up in the hands of managers and salesmen; theft, bribery, and registration flourished.

Thus, serfdom slowed down the industrial revolution and the development of industry in Russia, and to a greater extent the development of those industries in which serf labor prevailed.

At the end of the 50s of the XIX century. in Russia, the crisis of the feudal-serf system of economy was clearly manifested. Agriculture experienced stagnation and degradation. The peasants were not interested in the productivity and efficiency of their labor. The profitability of landlord estates fell. The peasantry, crushed by growing extortions, rent and corvee, was ruined. Serfdom hindered the development of productive forces in agriculture.

Serfdom also hindered the development of industry and trade. Since about 35% of the population of Russia was in a state of serfdom, the industry did not have enough free hands. Subsistence farming, poverty, low purchasing power of the population limited the domestic market, hindered the development of domestic and foreign trade.

The needs of the capitalist structure of the economy, which developed in the bowels of feudalism, created a disproportion between the nature of the productive forces and production relations. The consequence of all this was the formation of a revolutionary situation in Russia at the end of the 50s of the XIX century.

1.2 The first revolutionary situation in Russia (1959-1861)

The crisis of the feudal-serf system of economy sharply worsened the position of the peasants. The landowners tried to increase the profitability of their estates not by introducing new agronomic methods and techniques, but by intensifying the exploitation of the peasants. They reduced peasant holdings, increased corvee and quitrent, introduced additional duties. The situation of the peasants deteriorated even more during and after the Crimean War as a result of increased taxes and government duties. The countryside became impoverished, the poverty and misery of the masses exacerbated the class contradictions. The class struggle intensified.

In the 30s-40s of the XIX, on average, there were 30-40 peasant unrest per year. The peasants fled from their masters, refused to work, set fire to the landowners' estates. At the end of the 50s, peasant demonstrations became more frequent: in 1858 there were 378 demonstrations, in 1859 - 161, in 1860 - 186, in 1861 - more than a thousand. The government suppressed some unrest with troops. From central regions peasants fled in droves to the south, to the Crimea and to the Ukraine, as rumors spread that they were giving land and freedom there.

The population of the borderlands also rose to fight against the landowners. The uprising of 10 thousand peasants in Georgia in 1857 was especially strong. The land burned under the feet of the landowners. The peasants did not want to live in the old way anymore.

The government understood that the serfdom of the peasants was a "powder magazine." As early as 1842, Nicholas I recognized “that serfdom ... is an evil, tangible and obvious for everyone,” but he considered it premature to liquidate it. The defeat in the Crimean War exposed the government's inability to govern the country using traditional methods. After the Crimean War, the crisis at the top intensified. Even among the ruling class, liberal landowners appeared, proposing to abolish serfdom, limit the arbitrariness of officials, and carry out a number of other reforms. The new Tsar Alexander II, although not a liberal, also recognized the need to change the situation. In 1856 he came to the conclusion that it was better to free the peasants "from above", without waiting for them to free themselves "from below".

The socio-economic and political situation in Russia testified to the fact that a revolutionary situation had developed in the country. The theory of a revolutionary situation belongs to V.I. Lenin. In The Collapse of the Second International (1915), he identified three main features of a revolutionary situation:

“1) The impossibility for the ruling classes to preserve their domination unchanged ... the crisis of the“ upper classes ”... the“ upper classes could not ”live in the old way.

2) The exacerbation, above usual, of the needs and calamities of the oppressed classes.

3) A significant increase ... the activity of the masses ... ".

A revolutionary situation does not turn into a revolution if the main conditions necessary for its fulfillment are absent - the working class, led by a revolutionary party.

The first revolutionary situation in Russia 1859-1861 did not result in a revolution, because there was no class capable of carrying it out, and no party capable of leading it. As a result, the first revolutionary situation in Russia ended with a by-product of the revolution - the reform of 1861, carried out from above. The crisis of the feudal-serf system, which hindered the development of capitalism, the revolutionary situation and the Crimean War forced tsarism to hasten to free the peasants and make partial changes in political institutions in the country.

2. Abolition of serfdom

2.1 Preparation of the peasant reform

Soon after the end of the Crimean War, at the end of 1859, a secret committee was formed to work out a plan for the gradual liberation of the peasants. The strengthening of the peasant movement forced the government to speed up the discussion of projects for the emancipation of the peasants. Provincial committees were created, in which only nobles participated. The peasantry was excluded from discussing the projects of emancipation. The plans of the nobles were united by the desire to leave the landowners' lands inviolable, to preserve all the rights and privileges of the landowners and to preserve their ability to exploit the peasants. Some of the disagreements that arose among the nobles were, in essence, "a struggle within the ruling classes ... solely because of the measure and form of concessions". During the discussion, various groupings of the nobles formed. The reactionary landlords proposed to free the peasants without any land. Liberal nobles offered to allot land to the peasants for an appropriate ransom. In addition, the landowners of different geographic regions of Russia represented the size of the peasant allotments in different ways.

The landowners of the black earth regions, where the land was fertile, offered to free the peasants with a very small allotment at a high price for a tithe of land. This would force the peasants either to rent land from the landowner, or to labor for him for an extra piece of land. The landowners of the black earth zone needed workers' hands, they wanted to preserve the economic dependence of the peasants. In the non-chernozem zone, the land had no such value. Therefore, the local nobles agreed to allot land to the peasants for an increased ("capital") ransom. The landowners needed money to quickly transfer their economy to capitalist rails.

When discussing projects, first in the provincial committees, then in the Main Committee for Peasant Affairs and in the State Council, the serfs did everything they could to protect their interests as much as possible. The "Great Reform," as the liberals called it, "was a serf reform and could not have been any other, for it was carried out by the feudalists."

On February 19, Tsar Alexander II signed two main documents on the reform: the Manifesto "On the all-merciful granting to serfs of the rights of the state of free rural inhabitants and on the structure of their life" and "Provisions on peasants who emerged from serfdom, imperially approved by his imperial majesty." Both documents were literally "wrested" from the government by the intensified class struggle of the peasantry. However, tsarism tried to hide the necessity of concessions. The government declared the reform a voluntary self-sacrifice of the nobility.

In the Manifesto and "Regulations" on February 19, 1861, three main issues were resolved: the personal release of the peasants, the allotment of land to them and the procedure for the redemption transaction.

The manifesto proclaimed the legal freedom of every peasant and "granted" them some general civil rights. The peasant could act as entity, conclude transactions, bring claims, own movable and immovable property. The peasant could, without the special permission of the landowner, marry, enter the service and educational institutions, transfer to the estate of the bourgeoisie and merchants.

Having received personal freedom, the peasants remained an unequal class. They were the only class that paid a poll tax, was a recruiter, and was subjected to corporal punishment. In relations with the landlord and the state, the peasants were bound by mutual responsibility. The peasant community and communal land tenure remained. The landowner was charged with the duty of maintaining public order in the village. Thus, the emancipation of the peasants was incomplete. The tsarist government tried to do everything possible to preserve the remnants of serfdom in the countryside, to strengthen the privileges of the nobility.

2.3 Allotments

The allotment of land to the peasants and the relationship of the landowner with the peasant world (community) were regulated by the "Regulations" and charter letters. Charter letters - acts that determined land relations between the landowner and the peasant community. The charter indicated the size of the allotment per male soul and listed the duties in favor of the landowner.

The landlords retained ownership of all the land they owned. At the same time, they were supposed to provide the peasants with a personal plot and a field allotment "to ensure their life and to fulfill their obligations to the government."

To meet the requirements of all categories of the nobility, Russia was divided into three bands: black earth, non-black earth and steppe. In each of them, the highest and lowest size of the peasant allotment was established (the highest - more than which the peasant could not demand from the landowner, the lowest - less than which the landowner should not offer to the peasant). Thus, a "voluntary" deal was concluded between the landlord and the peasants.

In the event that a voluntary deal did not suit anyone, the so-called conciliators intervened, the role of which was played by the nobles, officials, who mainly defended the interests of the landowners.

If the size of peasant allotments before the reform exceeded the highest rate of land in each strip, then this "surplus" was alienated in favor of the landowner. Thus, pieces of land were formed, taken from the peasants and transferred to the landowners under the reform of 1861. In the black earth zone, from 26 to 40% of the land was cut off from the peasants, in the non-black earth zone - 10%. In general, across the country, the peasants received 20% less land than they had before the reform. It was a shameless robbery of the peasants; they were freed, according to V. I. Lenin, "from the land."

On average, a peasant family received about 7 acres of land, which was completely insufficient for running a commercial profitable economy. The reform of 1861 doomed the peasants to land shortages and contributed to the further ruin and impoverishment of the Russian countryside.

2.4 Buyback

The peasants were plundered not only in determining the size of the allotment, but also in setting the price for the land. Market price of all the land received by the peasants amounted to 544 million rubles. But the peasants had to pay much more. Land prices have been overestimated everywhere. The redemption amount was equal to the capital put in the bank and giving 6% of the income per year, different from the previous quitrent of serfs. In fact, the peasants had to pay 867 million rubles, that is, 1.5 times the market value of the land. However, they paid even more, since the process of making the redemption transaction became another means of the landowners - the state robbery of the peasants.

Since the peasants did not have the amount necessary to buy out the land, and in order for the landowners to receive the redemption money at a time, the state provided the peasants with a loan in the amount of 80% of the value of the allotment. The peasant paid the remaining 20% to the landlord himself. For 49 years, the peasants had to repay the loan to the state with an accrual of 6% per annum. By 1907, when the peasants stubbornly achieved the abolition of redemption payments, they had already paid the state about 2 billion rubles, that is, 4 times more than the market value of land in 1861. “The notorious 'liberation' was the most shameless robbery of the peasants, - wrote V. I. Lenin 50 years later, - there was a series of violence and sheer outrage over them. "

In fact, the peasants paid not only for land, but also for personal freedom, for freedom. The peasant became free only after paying 20% of the value of the allotment. Prior to that, he remained "temporarily liable" to the landlord, that is, he had to fulfill all the previous duties. However, the landowner could not introduce new duties and levies. After 20 years, another 15% of the peasants remained temporarily liable, since they did not have the money to complete the redemption transaction. In 1881, a law was issued * to liquidate the temporarily liable state from 1883 - all the peasants had to redeem the allotment.

The government understood that in response to the plunder, a peasant movement would flare up again. No wonder the promulgation of the Manifesto and the "Regulations" was postponed until March 5, 1861, and troops were drawn into the capital. After the publication of these documents, rumors spread in many provinces (Kazan, Penza, etc.) that the landowners had hidden their real will. A wave of peasant uprisings arose. So, in 1861 there were more than a thousand of them, in 1862 - 400, in 1863 - 386. Only by 1864 did the government manage to pacify the peasant movement, which began to decline. Only after this did the government find it possible to carry out a reform among the state and appanage peasants and began to "liberate" the peasants in the national regions (in the Caucasus, for example, 40% of the peasants' land was cut off, and the duties in favor of the landowner were doubled). The abolition of serfdom in the national outskirts was accompanied by an even greater plunder of peasants than in the center.

Short description

1. Crisis phenomena in the internal politics of the autocracy.

The crisis of the feudal-serf system in Russia in the first half of the 19th century manifested itself in the transformation of all its main elements and a gradual transition to a new system - industrial-capitalist.

The main reason for the disintegration of the feudal-serf system was the changes that took place in the national economy of Russia, the basis of which was agriculture, an extensive agrarian economy. With the increase in the number and density of the population, the disadvantages of extensive farming became apparent. Long-term exploitation of the natural environment by man gradually leads to its depletion. In Europe, the crisis of the feudal system came earlier as a result of limited land areas and high population density. In Russia, the onset of the crisis was delayed. The abundance of fertile lands, the vastness of sparsely populated areas did not stimulate the development of the industrial system of the economy. However, in the first half of the 19th century, signs of the decomposition of the feudal-serf system are becoming more and more distinct in the Russian economy. Let's consider them in more detail.

1. First of all, the process of decomposition of the serf economy began.

This manifested itself in: - the destruction of the natural character of the economy under the influence of the development of commodity-money relations; - the gradual weakening of the attachment of peasants to the land as a result of a number of government decrees, the development of seasonal work, the labor system of dependence; - the reduction of peasant allotments by increasing the lordly plowing in the black earth and the distraction of peasants from the land to engage in trades in the non-black earth; - the decline in the productivity of corvee labor - the foundations of the feudal economy, the growth of landlord debt; - application of new intensive farming methods of multi-field crop rotation, fertilizers, imported agricultural machines, new productive varieties of plants, etc .; - the growth of property inequality of peasants and the emergence between them of new economic relations that have a capitalist character (hiring, rent).

Significant changes have taken place in industrial production: - the number of capitalist manufactories based on hired labor has increased; - in the 30-40s, an industrial revolution began in Russia, which means not only a transition to the systematic use of machine technology (here the traditional cotton industry is ahead), but also the formation of new social forces capable of carrying out this revolution: the Russian bourgeoisie and the proletariat. The Russian pre-proletariat and the pre-bourgeoisie existed as social strata. The pre-proletariat was replenished at the expense of the state and quitrent peasants, the pre-bourgeoisie - at the expense of the merchants and capitalist peasants; - the growth of cities was an important sign of the transformation of the feudal system and the emergence of an industrial one. The growth rate of the urban population exceeded the growth rate in general by 2.2 times; - new types of transport appeared, corresponding to the industrial-capitalist system, although their development was very slow. In 1815, the first steamer in Russia was launched on the Neva. By 1825, 367 versts of highways were built. In 1837, the first railway was opened - Petersburg - Tsarskoe Selo, in 1843-1851, a railway was built, linking the two capitals; foreign trade, development of the domestic market. Along with seasonal fair trade, which corresponded to feudal society, there is a permanent store trade. The average annual volume of foreign trade by the beginning of the 19th century. increased 4 times, and imports - 5 times, while exports exceeded imports (active trade balance), which was ensured by the protectionist customs policy. Russia exported bread, flax, hemp, lard, leather, stubble, timber. Bread became increasingly important in Russian exports, especially in the 40s and 50s. At the beginning of the 19th century 19.9 million poods of grain were exported, and on the eve of the reform of 1861 - 69 million funds of citizens forced to sell their labor. In Russia, this process was slow and had its own peculiarities. The sources of capital accumulation were not numerous colonies, as was the case in European countries, as a system of farms, protective duties, foreign loans.

In general, in relation to the first half of the 19th century, we can speak of the appearance in the feudal-serf system of numerous signs of its decomposition and crisis. The abolition of serfdom became an increasingly urgent economic problem.

The internal policy of the autocracy in the first half of the XIX century was formed under the direct influence of events taking place in the international arena and within the country. The Great French Revolution of 1789, which followed a series of bourgeois revolutions in Europe (1820-1821 - in Spain, the Kingdom of Naples, Piedmont, 1830 - in France, Belgium, the uprising in Poland, 1848 - in France, Hungary, Bavaria), war for the independence of the Spanish colonies in America - all this, on the one hand, prompted the Russian autocracy to seek ways to save Russia from the European "infection." On the other hand, it became obvious that the monarchical feudal system needed modernization, that reforms were needed to eliminate the most crude, ugly manifestations of serfdom, to renew the state system, political institutions, the education system, etc. These two aspects determined the main directions of the internal politics of Alexander I and Nikolai. I, for all the dissimilarity of their reigns.

As a result, on the night of March 11-12, 1801, a palace coup, Paul I was killed. The successor to the throne was his son, the grandson of Catherine II, Emperor Alexander I (1801-1825) .. Pupil of a free-thinker, Swiss politician lawyer Frederic Cesar de Laharpe, familiar with the ideas of enlightenment and the French revolution, by nature a man is quite gentle, Alexander I in his young years becomes an opponent of despotism, a seeker. He returns to his accession to the throne from the exile of the thinker Radishchev, and asks Laharpe (exiled by Catherine II to the Narodin) for recommendations on the strategy and tactics of running the empire. He is seized with confidence in the need to reform Russia from above, relying on the progressive nobility, and broad enlightenment of the people in order to expand the social support of reforms. To develop a reform program, Alexander I created the Permanent Council and the Secret Committee, which included the leading people of that time: Count P. Stroganov, Prince D. Chartorizhsky, M. Novosiltsev, Count V. Kochubei.

The reform program included three main directions: the peasant question, the education system, and the public administration system.

The memory of the uprising of E. Pugachev, the unrest of the peasants, the growing popularity of anti-serfdom ideological constructs raised the peasant question before the government. There is evidence that at the beginning of his reign, Alexander I had an idea to implement the abolition of serfdom. However, it was rejected by the Permanent Council and the Secret Committee. The closest circle of the emperor believed that the liberation of the unenlightened peasants was timely and dangerous. VitogeAlexander I confined himself to a number of Cossacks on the peasant question, designed to alleviate and soften serfdom.

In 1803, a decree "On free farmers" was issued. The landowners were allowed, at will, to release the peasants with land in bulk for a ransom under a free contract. For 25 years of rule of the emperor, a total of 47 thousand peasants were received by the discharged grain-growers.

In 1801, a decree was issued allowing non-nobles (merchants, petty bourgeois, state peasants) to buy uninhabited land and conduct farming on them with the help of hired labor. This decree could contribute to the development of bourgeois land tenure. However, it did not matter much, since hired workers were required to establish a free agricultural economy, and there were few of them in Russia.

From 1804 to 1818 The peasant reform was carried out in the Baltic provinces (Estland, Livonia, Courland). The peasants of these provinces received personal freedom without land, which they had to rent from their landlords for the reserve - corvee and quitrent.

Since the beginning of the 19th century, the government has reduced the allocation of these lands to private hands. It began to resort to leasing state estates for a period. This measure limitedthe transfer of state peasants into serfdom.

By decrees of 1808-1809, landlords were forbidden to sell peasants at fairs "at retail", to exile them to Siberia for minor offenses, landlords were obliged to feed their peasants in years of famine.

On the whole, all these decrees gave insignificant results, but they are very indicative as evidence of the growing crisis phenomena in the feudal-serf system.

Another area of Alexander I's reform activity was the system of printing and education.

By the beginning of the century, not only peasants, bourgeois and merchants were mostly illiterate, but some noblemen could hardly sign their surname. The requirements for government grew, the activities of the state became more complicated, and the government did not have enough literate people even for governor posts. The improvement in the entire education system became apparent.

The meaning of the reform carried out in 1803-1804 consists in the creation of a unified system of education from the lower school to the university. Provided for the creation of a four-stage system of educational institutions: 1) parish one-class schools for the lower strata, in which they taught reading, writing, the law of God; 2) three-year district schools; 3) six-grade provincial gymnasiums; 4) universities (Moscow, St. Petersburg, Vilensky, Derpt, Kazan, Kharkov).

Representatives of all classes were admitted to educational institutions, at lower levels, education was free. The continuity of educational programs was introduced. A number of educational institutions for the nobility were also opened: the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, the Demidov Lyceum (in Yaroslavl), special higher schools - the Moscow Commercial School, the Institute of Railways.

In 1804, a censorship charter was adopted, which was considered the most liberal in Russia in the 19th century. It said that censorship was introduced "not to restrict freedom to think and write, but only to take decent measures against abuse of it." rather than persecute. " And yet, for the first time in his reign, publishing activities expanded, a number of new magazines and literary almanacs appeared, and translations were published.

The transformations of the central government bodies were of great importance. Alexander I went to meet the proposals of a group of progressive officials - the so-called Senate party, which prepared a draft Senate reform. According to the draft, the Senate was supposed to become the highest administrative, judicial and controlling body. The principle of the permissibility of senators and the peremptory nature of its decisions was envisaged. The Senate was granted the right to appoint to all administrative positions, except for the highest positions: minister and governor. However, most of the nobles from the Secret Committee opposed, seeing in it a threat to absolutism. In 1802, even so, a decree on the rights of the Senate was issued. He proclaimed the Senate the supreme body of the empire, the concentration of administrative, judicial and controlling power. But the decree made the Senate completely dependent on the imperial power and did not limit it in the least.

In 1802, a reform of the executive bodies was carried out - a ministerial reform. In Russia, a ministerial administration was introduced. Eight ministries were established: military, naval, foreign affairs, justice, internal affairs, finance, public education, commerce. Unlike the previous collegia, the ministries did not receive judicial functions. ...

However, the main transformations of the governing bodies are associated with the name of Mikhail Mikhailovich Speransky. The son of a priest, he graduated from the St. Petersburg Theological Academy, receiving a diploma teacher in eloquence, physics and philosophy. Speransky independently studied the original political and philosophical literature in German, French and English. Wide education, outstanding intelligence allowed Speransky to take the post of state secretary. It was he who was instructed by Alexander I to develop a plan of state transformations in Russia. In 1809, such a project was presented to the emperor.

The project followed the principle of "separation of powers" - legislative, executive and judicial with the independence of the judiciary and the responsibility of the executive before the legislative. Speransky proceeded from the fact that "the present system of government is no longer characteristic of the state of the public spirit." According to the project, political rights should have been received and the middle class - the emerging bourgeoisie. The project provided for the gradual transformation of the political system of Russia into a monarchy of the bourgeois type. This was to be ensured by the creation of a two-chamber legislative parliament: the State Council (upper house) and the State Duma (lower order of the Duma). on the bourgeois principle of property qualification. Such a system, without violating the absolute power of the monarch, opened access to the power of the bourgeoisie.

Alexander I recognized the project as "satisfactory and useful". However, its implementation met with strong opposition from the higher dignitaries, who found it too radical. The only practical result of the project was the formation in January 1810 of the State Council. The matter did not go further than this. The State Council itself became a decisive opponent of further reforms, and its functions were reduced to the functions of a legislative body under the emperor. Its members were not elected, but appointed by the emperor.

Speransky's transformative ideas and projects sparked violent discontent among reactionary circles. Intrigues were rife around Speransky, especially after he carried out a financial reform that changed the tax system, which now affected all segments of the population. Rumors began to circulate that the "evil priest" was preparing to abolish the rule of the nobility. state activity and at the beginning of 1812 exiled. However, his ideas perished, they had a great influence on his contemporaries, preparing public opinion for the adoption of reforms in the second half of the 19th century. Alexander I himself was very sorry for Speransky. Four years later, Speransky was "forgiven", first appointed governor of Penza, and in 1819 - governor-general of Siberia, where he held a number of administrative forms. In 1821 he was returned to St. Petersburg and was appointed a member of the State Council and manager of the Commission for drawing up laws.

2. Foreign policy of Alexander I.

The main focus of Alexander I was on European affairs. Aggressive behaviorNapoleon (emperor since 1804) displeased the main Europeancountries. Advisers of Alexander I - members of the Secret Committee also believed that France needed to "put a bridle". Russia joined the coalition of anti-Napoleonic countries (England, Austria, Sweden, the Kingdom of Naples). The opening of hostilities began when Napoleon's troops entered Austria. The first major battle took place in 1805 near the village of Austerlitz in 120 km north of Vienna. Despite the fact that the commanders of the Russian military Kutuzov, Bagration as a result of the intervention of Alexander I and Franz (Emperor of Austria), the allied forces were completely defeated. Austria withdrew from the war. Prussia entered the war, but this did not stop the advance of Napoleonic troops. Napoleonreceived Berlin and declared a continental blockade of England. This situation hurt Russian economic interests, since England was the largest trading partner Russia, and Alexander stepped up their actions. But in the battle of Friedland in East Prussia, the Russian troops were again defeated. Alexander I entered into negotiations with Napoleon and in 1807. In the city of Tilsit, a peace treaty was concluded, according to which Russia pledged to join the continental blockade of England. The Duchy of Warsaw was created on the lands of Poland, while Russia received the Bialystok District during the division of the Polish lands. The following year, the emperors met in Erfurt and confirmed the terms of the Tilsit Treaty, sharing the spheres of influence of their countries in the world. The protocol of this meeting was of a secret nature. In 1808, Russia entered the war with Sweden, she claimed to obtain the land adjacent to Petersburg in order to ensure the security of the capital. War 18081809 with Sweden was successful for Russia. The detachment of Barclay de Tolly made the famous ice campaign on the ice of the Gulf of Bothnia, as a result of which Russian troops entered the territory of Sweden. In 1809, a peace treaty was concluded in the city of Friedrichsheim, according to which the Grand Duchy of Finland annexed Russia. Finland was granted a special legal status with the approval of its previous Constitution. The Sejm remained as a legislative body, but Finland was declared a Russian province. Emperor Alexander became at the same time the Grand Duke of Finland.

As early as the Manifesto of September 12, 1801, Georgia became part of Russia. Georgia's accession to Russia was met with hostility in Turkey and Iran. In 1804, the war with Iran began. The war was successful for Russia. Russian troops captured almost the entire territory of Azerbaijan, and according to the peace treaty concluded in 1813 in Gulistan, Iran recognized the right of Russia to the territories it conquered, and also gave it the right to keep warships in the Caspian Sea.

In 1806, a war with Turkey began, the reason for which was the unilateral displacement of the rulers of Moldavia and Wallachia by Turkey (even according to the Kuchuk-Kainardzhiyskiy peace of 1774, a double protectorate was declared over these princedoms: Turkey and Russia). In October 1806, Michelson's troops occupied Moldova, Admiral Senyavin's aero-squadron defeated the Turkish fleet in 1807. Kutuzov inflicted a decisive defeat on the Turkish army at the Ruschuk fortress, and as a result, on May 28, 1812, peace was concluded in Bucharest and the Bucharest Peace Treaty was signed, according to which Moldova ceded to Russia. Serbia was granted autonomy.

Patriotic War of 1812. By 1812, the situation on the western border worsened. Napoleon was preparing for a war with Russia, from which neither the Tilsit nor the Erfurt peace treaties saved her. Created by Napoleon, the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, he decided to use as a springboard for an attack on Russia. Allies of Napoleon in his movement to the East were Prussia, Austria and the Duchy of Warsaw. A huge army (600 thousand people, other information 685 thousand) was deployed for Russia. It was headed by the famous French marshals: Ney, Davout, Murat and others. The soldiers of this army, together with Napoleon, made expeditions to Egypt, Spain, Austria, Prussia, where they held victories and believed in the success of their emperor. All this bulk Napoleon moved to the Nemanuda to attack Russia.

The payroll of the Russian army was equal at that time to 225 thousand people, and 180 thousand were directly friends. In addition, the Russian army was dispersed: Barclay de Tolly was at the Neman, Bagration - in southern Lithuania, Tormasov - in Volyn; part of the army under the command of Wittgenstein was assigned to guard St. Petersburg. It was extremely unprofitable to accept a battle with the Napoleonic army with such a deployment of troops, and the commander of the Russian military forces Barclay de Toll decided to retreat into the depths of Russia. Napoleon entered Russia on June 12, 1812, and in short periods occupied Kovno, Vilno, Mogilev and Vitebsk. In August 1812 Russian troops united near Smolensk. After a long assault, Napoleon managed to take possession of Smolensk, since here, too, the numerical superiority of the French army continued to be felt. The road to Moscow opened from Smolensk.

The military strategy was unpopular in Russian society, everyone was dissatisfied with the retreat and longed for a decisive battle. Under pressure from public opinion, Alexander I replaced the commander-in-chief, appointing 67-year-old M.I. Kutuzov to this post. However, having familiarized himself with the state of affairs, Kutuzov did not change the tactics of war. It should be noted that during this period the country was engulfed in the partisan movement, Denis Davydov (who wrote the book "Experience of the theory of partisan action"), Platov, Seslavin, Dorokhov Stepan Eremenko (escaped from captivity and led the detachment), the peasant Vasilisa Kozhina, and others. The scope of the partisan war was so great that Napoleon even demanded its official termination, saying that it was being conducted "not according to the rules established for all wars."

The position for the general battle with the French Kutuzov chose near Moscow near the village of Borodino. The battle began at Shevardino, and then the armies met on the Borodino field. Bagration commanded the right wing of the army, who built special reinforcements - "Bagration flashes", which then passed from hand to hand. The bravery of the Russian soldiers and officers amaze the enemy. Bagration was mortally wounded on the battlefield, and Dokhturov took command. After the capture of the flashes, Raevsky's battery was defeated and the Russian army had to retreat from Borodino. Kutuzov said that Russia was not yet lost with the loss of Moscow, but it could be lost with the loss of the army. Napoleon occupied Moscow. Moscow was engulfed in fires, in which 80% of the housing stock was practically burned out. Napoleon had nowhere to deploy his army, there was no food supply or water. The French emperor turned to Alexander with a proposal for peace talks and promised to return the former friendship. A letter with a proposal to Napoleon was handed over by the landowner Yakovlev, Herzen's father. There was no answer from Alexander.

On September 2, Kutuzov withdrew the Russian army from Moscow. At first, he moved along the Ryazan road, but then sharply turned on Tarutino (flank march-maneuver) and thus covered Kaluga with food supplies and Tula with weapons depots. Here he began to prepare for a counterattack on the Napoleonic army, surrounding it from the south. Napoleon guessed Kutuzov's intentions and began to urgently retreat from Moscow. He made an attempt to blow up the Kremlin, but the rain soaked the fuses in the mines and the explosion turned out to be insignificant (one tower and part of the Kremlin wall were destroyed). Napoleon wanted to break through to Kaluga, but Kutuzov skillfully blocked his path: the battle of Maloyaroslavets, where Napoleon was defeated, forced him to turn to the old Smolensk road, deserted and scorched by his army when attacking Moscow. Poleinpoleonic army was significant, disciplinewashed. Retreating further to Vilno, Napoleon suffered significant losses while crossing the river. Berezin. In Vilna, he learned of the attempted coup in France and immediately left. In mid-December 1812, about 30 thousand Frenchmen crossed the Niemen. The Napoleonic army no longer existed. Alexander decided to continue the war until complete victory over Napoleon. Russian troops entered Western Europe. Prussia went over to the side of Russia, this union was soon joined by Austria, and then England. The allied army inflicted a great defeat on the troops of Napoleon in the famous battle near Leipzig in 1813 ("Battle of the Nations") In March 1814, allied troops entered Paris. The peace treaty was concluded in Paris on May 18 (30), 1814 France returned to the borders of 1798 Napoleon and his dynasty were deprived of the throne, on which the allies restored the Bourbon dynasty (Louis XVIII). Napoleon was sent to the island of Elba.

The final agreement on territorial division was signed at the second Vienna Congress in 1815 (during the first Vienna Congress - in 1814 Napoleon fled from Elba and restored his power, which lasted 100 days, but then it was defeated in the battle of Waterloo). ", which included the monarchs of three states: Russia, Prussia, Austria, then other European states joined it. As a result of territorial divisions, Russia received a large part of the Duchy of Warsaw with Warsaw. Poland was provided with a 2-chamber Diet and a Constitution, which Alexander I himself swore.

3. Domestic policy after World War II.

After the end of the Patriotic War in 1812, the reforms began to be more moderate. Many of them are associated with the name of Count Arakcheev. His career under Alexander I began in 1803, the Emperor was attracted to him by such qualities as pedantry, unswerving diligence, outstanding organizational skills, boundless faith in the power of power. Becoming the Minister of War in 1808, Arakcheev, in the memory of military experts, did a lot to restore the combat capability of the Russian army.

In November 1815, Alexander I granted the Constitution to the Kingdom of Poland formed as part of the empire. At that time, it was a very liberal document. At the opening of the Polish Sejm in Warsaw, the tsar made a speech in which he announced his intention to spread the constitutional order throughout Russia.

In 1818, the tsar instructed his closest friend and assistant Novosiltsev to draw up the "Statutory State Letter" in the spirit of the principles of the Polish constitution. The draft was prepared in 1820, received "the highest approval", but remained on paper.

However, since 1820, the course of Alexander I has changed dramatically. It is customary to associate this change with the revolutionary events in Europe, with the uprising of the Semyonov regiment in October 1820 At the same time, reports on the creation of secret societies are at the disposal of the tsar.

Reformist and revolutionary ideas, destructive for the feudal-feudal system, initially penetrated into Russia from the West, where the process of formation of industrial societies began earlier and, accordingly, bourgeois ideas were formed earlier. The Great French Revolution, the Patriotic War of 1812 contributed to the growth of social consciousness in Russia. nobility to search for ways to transform the political and economic life of Russian society. Unfulfilled hopes for the liberation of the peasants, who bore on their shoulders the brunt of the war with Napoleon, prompted them to move from words to deeds.

The first secret society "Union of Salvation" arose in February 1816 in St. Petersburg on the initiative of young guards officers A.N. and N.M. Muravyov, S.I. and M.I.Muravyov-Apostolov, S.P. Trubetskoy and I.D. Yakushin. Pozhevneg entered P.I. Pestel. In 1817, after the adoption of the Charter, the organization received the name "Society of True and Faithful Sons of the Fatherland". Only officers of the guards regiments and the General Staff were admitted to members of the society according to the strictest selection. In 1817 the union was self-liquidated. It was decided to start creating a broader and more combative organization.

In January 1818, a new organization, the Union of Welfare, was formed in Moscow. During its three-year existence (until 1821), organizational principles, tactics and a program of transformations were developed. The organization already numbered about 200 members, and the task of forming a public opinion favorable for transformations was put forward. The revolutionary coup was considered as the main political means. By 1820, the beginning of the development of tactics for a military uprising without the participation of the popular masses was considered. The revolutionaries believed that the "military revolution" could be the most organized, quick and painless coup. The uprising of the Semyonovsky regiment in 1820 prompted members of secret societies to think about the possibility of attracting dissatisfied soldiers to the "revolution".

Having received the news of the denunciation to the organization, received by Alexander I, the members of the community decided to formally dismiss in order to free themselves from random people and create a strictly conspiratorial organization.

In 1821-1822. On the basis of the Union of Welfare, two new secret organizations arose: the Southern Society in Ukraine headed by P.I. Pestel and the Northern Society in St. Petersburg, which was headed by N.M. Muravyov, and then K.F. Ryleev took the leading role. Societies began to develop constitutional drafts and plans for the uprising. Two policy documents were prepared: "Russian truth" by Pestel and "Constitution" or "Order to the temporary supreme government" by N. Muravyov. They were different from each other.

"Russkaya Pravda" is the first republican program in the history of Russia. It assumed the elimination of the monarchy and the establishment of a republican system. The head of the republic was supposed to be a legislative People's Party. Executive power was transferred to the Sovereign Duma, elections to which were to be carried out on the basis of equal suffrage. All citizens of the republic were to receive equal rights, the abolition of all class military privileges and restrictions, universal service were proclaimed. In the field of agrarian relations, Pestel proceeded from the fact that land is a social property, from which every citizen has the right to receive allotments. At the same time, he recognized private property as fair. Therefore, the program provided for the creation of a public land fund, which was not subject to sale. It was commanded by volost societies. This fund was to be replenished due to the partial confiscation of the landowners' lands. The other part of the land had to remain in private use and be in free trade.

N. Muravyov's constitutional project was built on a different political concept. Russia was to become a federation of 14 powers and 2 regions. The supreme legislative body of the federation was the bicameral People's Council. The legislative body in the State was the sovereign veche, which also consisted of two chambers. The elections were carried out on the basis of suffrage, limited age, property license and residency requirements. The highest executive power, according to Muravyov's project, belonged to the emperor. Thus, Russia was to become a constitutional monarchy. The elimination of the estate structure, equality of citizens before the law, freedom of speech, press, assembly were proclaimed. Declared the elimination of serfdom, but the landlords remained behind them. It was supposed to provide peasants with land (2 dess. Per yard), instead of the old estate courts, it was envisaged to introduce a public court with a sworn advocacy, adversarial parties.

In addition to the program documents, a plan of action was also developed. It was supposed to start a revolution in St. Petersburg with an uprising of the Guards of the Navy, expel members of the imperial family, arrest the emperor, convene the Senate and through it to promulgate a new order of things. On the periphery, they were to assist the uprising in the capital. The performance was planned for the summer of 1826, however, the unexpected death of Alexander I in Taganrog on November 19, 1825 changed plans. Since the refusal of Alexander's brother Constantine from the throne was kept secret, the troops were sworn in to him, and not to Nicholas. Subsequent correspondenceConstantine confirmed his refusal from the throne and on December 14 was appointed to the re-oath of the emperor - Nicholas I. The revolutionaries decided to take advantage of the government crisis and speak this day on Senate Square. The uprising, which received the name "Decembrist uprising", was brutally suppressed by the government. Nicholas ordered the officers to be brought to trial, and the soldiers subjected to corporal punishment. The Supreme Court sentenced all the participants to fire, but Nicholas I ordered the execution of only five - Ryleev, Pestel, S. Muravyov-Apostol, M. Bestuzhev-Ryumin, Kakhovsky. The rest were sent.

A speech on the Senate Square on December 14, 1825 put an end to progressive reforms. The autocracy felt a threat to its very existence and made efforts to preserve the serf system.

The period of the reign of the brother of Alexander I - Nikolai Pavlovich (1825-1855). - this is the last pre-reform attempt of the autocracy to unite the almost incompatible: to keep the political system of absolutism unshakable and, at the same time, to make concessions to the new requirements of the time in the economy, in the agrarian question - especially. By militarizing the state system, Nicholas I managed to postpone the implementation of more decisive reforms only for a while.

In an effort to protect Russian society from the influence of Western ideas in every possible way, Nicholas I took a number of measures designed to strengthen control and supervision over the activities of the administrative apparatus, the press, the education system, as well as to strengthen his personal influence on all aspects of state life. The Imperial Chancellery expanded. Under her, the II department was created - for the codification of laws, the III department - the higher police, the IV department - for the management of women's schools and charitable institutions, the V department - for reforming the state peasants, the VI department - for the administration of Transcaucasia. Section III became an organ of the emperor's personal power, a state within a state in its own right. The reign of Nicholas I is characterized by the creation of all kinds of secret and unclassified committees and commissions on various issues subordinate to the tsar himself. Under the leadership of Speransky, the legislation was codified. all known laws were collected in chronological order, from which the applicable ones were selected. Complete collection of laws of the Russian Empire from 1649 to 1825. made up 45 volumes. This colossal work is still an indispensable source for historians.

In 1826, the Committee for the Organization of Educational Institutions was created. Its task was to check the charters of educational institutions, to develop uniform principles of education, to define disciplines and educational literature. In the minds of the government, education was supposed to educate "modest citizens" who worked for the government, each in his own field. The slogan of the Minister of Education, President of the Academy of Sciences SS Uvarov became the ideological platform for the restructuring of the education system, the management of the entire sphere of culture: "autocracy, Orthodoxy, nationality."

Universities have lost a significant share of the former autonomy, admission to them was limited, and the growth of educational programs, subjects such as natural law and philosophy were withdrawn. However, it was no longer possible to suspend the process of spreading education. The introduction of a new "cast-iron" Censorship Charter also did not bring the expected result. Sacrificial ideas continued to spread despite all the obstacles, and the strengthening of supervision over literature did not stop the pen of either Pushkin, Lermontov, or other outstanding Russian poets and writers. It was during the reign of Nicholas I that the "golden" century of Russian poetry fell.

Keeping the political system of autocracy intact and not daring to touch the system of serfdom, which was more and more deadlocked, Nicholas I was forced to take a number of measures to weaken the dependence of the peasants on the landowners, eliminating its most odious manifestations. It was forbidden to give serfs to factories; restricted the right of landlords to expel peasants to Siberia; it was forbidden to sell peasants in public trade with the fragmentation of the family, to give or to pay debts with them; noblemen without estates were forbidden to buy peasants without land; landowners received the right to release the courtyards to freedom; peasants received the right of ransom for freedom upon the sale of the names of the public trade; peasants were allowed to acquire real estate with the consent of the landowner.

More seriousmeasures for solving the peasant question were repeatedly discussed in numerous secret committees (more than 10). The Committee of 1835 set the task of "the insensitive erection of the peasants from the state of serfdom to the state of freedom." It was supposed to free the peasants without land in three stages and at indefinite dates. The work of the commission ended with no result. In 1839, a new committee was created, where a prominent statesman of that time, a highly educated person, adhering to liberal views, P.D. Kiselev, played a prominent role. The result of the committee's work was a decree on April 2, 1842 "on obliged peasants." He did not cancel the 1803 decree "on free farmers", but was called upon to correct its "inconvenient aspects". The owners were allowed to conclude agreements with the peasants by mutual agreement on such a basis that the landlords retained the full right of patrimonial property, and the peasants received land plots from them for the established duties. Thus, before the reform of 1861, only 27 thousand peasants were freed.

In 1844 the government undertook the compilation of the so-called "inventories" in the Western Russian provinces, where landowners were mainly Poles, who were in opposition to the Russian government. This was a description of the landowners' estates with a clear fixation of the size of the land allotments of the peasants and the duties they performed.

The largest measure in the field of agrarian question was the reform of state peasants, carried out in the late 1930s. State peasants accounted for 34% of the total tax-paying peasant population and were legally a free estate, subordinate to the state. The purpose of the reform was to raise the welfare of this category of the population, and set an example for the landowners in managing their own villages. The reform was led by P.D. Kiselyov, who in 1835 headed the 5th department of the imperial chancellery. State peasants were viewed as free residents working on state land. Land-hungry people were endowed with land, taxation revised in accordance with local conditions; established "subsidiary loans" for small loans to peasants; medical and veterinary centers were created; the network of lower schools expanded.

Nicholas I considered it necessary to encourage the development of industry. To protect the interests of the nascent bourgeoisie, the Manufacturing and Commercial Councils were established. In order to expand the system of technical education, the Technological University in St. Petersburg and the Moscow Crafts School were created. Despite the contradictory nature of the measures taken, they strive to raise the industrial level of Russia.

However, the revolutionary events in Europe in 1848-1849 put an end to the modest reformist attempts of Nicholas I.

Thus, by the middle of the 19th century, the feudal-serf system approached a decisive frontier. In its depths, new structures were ripening, preparing the transition to the industrial type of development. More and more broad layers of society were possessed by ideas, destroying the traditional representations of the serf society. The policy of autocracy in this period was characterized by attempts to correct, improve the most obsolete elements of the political and economic system, without violating, however, the main foundations. However, these attempts for a time postponed the need to resolve the main issue: the fate of serfdom. In the middle of the century, this question for the government arose like this: either to free the peasants and retain their power, or not to liberate and lose it.

The disintegration of the serf system, which began at the end of the 18th century, proceeded at such a rapid pace that already in the second quarter of the 19th century Russia entered a period of deep crisis. Fundamental changes were needed in relations of production that would bring them in line with the developing capitalist productive forces.

The crisis manifested itself primarily in the deep decline of agriculture based on the forced labor of serfs. This was expressed in a chronic decrease in the production capacity of the landlord's economy, in the landlessness of the peasants due to the expansion of the landlord's plowing.

The extremely low labor productivity and the routine state of technology were the result of the peasants' minimal interest in the results of their labor, which was caused by cruel exploitation, all-round enslavement and oppression of the serf population. The ruin of the landlord's economy, the mortgaging of estates were vivid evidence of the doom of the old system of economy. The impoverishment of the peasant economy completed the picture of decline.

To increase the productivity of agriculture, the landowners of the chernozem regions increased their arable land, mainly at the expense of peasant allotments and an increase in corvee days. The land plowing of the lords almost doubled in the first half of the 19th century: if at the end of the 18th century peasant lands accounted for 2/3, and landowners' - 1/3, then in the middle of the 19th century the ratio became the opposite: peasant lands - 1/3, landowners - 2 / 3.

The developed system of peasants' quitrent rent in infertile regions led to the fact that the majority of workers found their application in capitalist industry and trade. Quitrent peasants accounted for 60-70 percent in some districts of the Moscow, Kaluga, and Yaroslavl provinces. It was at the expense of the quitrent peasants that the working people of Russia were formed, acting as a hired force in merchant factories, but tied by serfdom to their owner. The vices of the serf system hampered the departure of peasants to quitrent and their transformation into a permanent labor force industrial enterprises.

However, in the bowels of the feudal landlord economy, under the influence of growing bourgeois relations, phenomena of a completely new, capitalist order grew: the pulling of the estate into commodity-money relations, an increase in the production of marketable (commercial) grain, 90 percent of which was produced by landowners and only 10 percent - by peasants, an increase in the export of grain abroad.

The stratification of the peasants, which was a consequence of the penetration of bourgeois relations into the countryside, led to the impoverishment of most rural population and the parallel growth of the number of rural entrepreneurs and wealthy people - future base the rural bourgeoisie. Decomposition of the peasantry, still bound by feudal bonds: "fortress", community, personal lack of rights, was a characteristic sign of its involvement in the sphere of capitalist relations.

The growth of capitalism in industry was more intensive. The number of enterprises increased to 15 thousand, the number of employed workers to 565 thousand. Landowners' (patrimonial) and state manufactories were losing ground due to the low productivity of serf labor that prevailed in them. Industries served by landlords and state peasants diminished in importance. The increase in the growth and importance of the merchant manufacture, capitalist in its essence, spoke about the victory of this form of Russian entrepreneurship, about its steadfastness and progressiveness.

In Russian industry, there were two critical process transforming it into a capitalist factory industry: increasing the number of civilian workers and replacing manual labor with machine labor. Freelance labor began to prevail in manufactories as more productive.

The entrepreneurs sought the right to leave the possessory peasants in order to use them as freely hired labor. As a result of this, there was a redistribution in the composition of the workers: civilians accounted for 87 percent, serfs - 11 percent, possessional - 2 percent.

In the 1830s, an industrial revolution began in Russia - the manual labor of manufactories was replaced by the machinery of a capitalist factory. The complex process of transition to a new stage of capitalism captured, first of all, merchant manufacture as the most progressive form of enterprise. The introduction of new technology (steam engines, looms, etc.) instead of the manual labor of manufacturing workers could be successful only if it was used by hired workers. The industrial revolution proceeded slowly: it began in the 1930s and ended after the abolition of serfdom, that is, in the 1970s and 1980s.

A qualitative change in the nature of Russian industry has put the light industry in first place. Textile industry distinguished the most high percent the use of hired labor and machine technology.

The metallurgical industry, represented by the possessory enterprises of the Urals, slowed down the pace of its development. The backwardness of metallurgy was explained by the stagnation and decline of serf manufacture. The emergence of machine-building and chemical plants did not reduce the lag in this area and forced the import of products from the West.

The general course of development of the country testified to the inhibiting influence of feudal relations: serfdom did not give room for the use of hired force; subsistence farming hampered the growth of the domestic market; the autocracy by artificial measures tried to delay the agony of the feudal system.

The question of liquidating the serf regime became the main issue of the time.

The decomposition of the feudal-serf system of economy, which began in the 18th century, in the 30-50s of the 19th century passed into the stage of a deep crisis of feudalism. The crisis of feudalism in the broadest sense of this concept has an economic, social and political side. At first, it manifests itself in the feudal economy as a crisis of feudal production relations. The crisis of feudalism begins when the possibilities of the feudal economy have already been completely exhausted and feudal relations are turning into a brake on the socio-economic development of the country.

Such a moment in Russia occurs approximately in the 20-30s of the XIX century. The culmination and completion of the crisis of feudalism is the period of the revolutionary situation in Russia (1859-1861), when the crisis of politics and ideology of the ruling class sets in and, consequently, the crisis of feudalism becomes all-encompassing.

The main factor responsible for the decomposition and subsequent crisis of the feudal system was the development in its depths of new, capitalist relations, which increasingly decomposed the foundations of serfdom. The processes of decay and the crisis of feudalism were greatly influenced by social factor- the growth of the anti-serf struggle of the oppressed masses, primarily the serf peasantry. The processes of decomposition of the feudal foundations of the Russian economy were also influenced by the development of foreign economic relations with capitalist countries. The defeat of tsarism in the Crimean War had an impact on the aggravation of the crisis of feudalism. The crisis of feudalism should not be seen only as a manifestation of decline and regression. The landlord economy, based on serf labor, fell into decay. On the whole, both in the economy and in social relations, there were undoubtedly important progressive shifts, but they took place on the basis of small-scale (mainly peasant) and capitalist production rather than serfdom. The more the feudal-serf system of economy disintegrated, the more conditions were created for the development of new production relations.

Despite the crisis of the feudal-serf system in Russia, this system continued to dominate until the fall of serfdom. For a long time, serfdom in Russia, due to certain historical conditions, could adapt to new phenomena in the country's economy, expand its economic base by spreading feudal relations to the outskirts of Russia. A huge role in maintaining serfdom was played by the political system - autocracy, which expressed and personified the power of the feudal landlords in the country.

Questions for self-control

1. Tell us about the reforms carried out in the first decade of the reign of Alexander I.

2. What is the historical significance of the victory of the Russian people over Napoleonic France?

3. Expand the main provisions of "Russian Truth" P. Pestel and "Constitution" N. Muravyov.

4. How did Nicholas I feel about the reforms?

5. Describe the main results of his reign.

6. What is the essence of the theory of "official nationality"?

The beginning of the manifestation of the crisis of the feudal serf system. Cheat sheet: The crisis of the feudal serf system in the first half of the 19th century. The crisis of the serf industry

The beginning of the manifestation of the crisis of the feudal serf system. Cheat sheet: The crisis of the feudal serf system in the first half of the 19th century. The crisis of the serf industry

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